Urgent Appeal of Parliamentarians across Asia and Europe for Mr. Sombath Somphone

Urgent Appeal of Parliamentarians across Asia and Europe for Mr. Sombath Somphone

February 5, 2013

February 5, 2013
His Excellency
Thongsing Thammavong
Prime Minister
People’s Democratic Republic of Laos

Dear Excellency,

Re: Request urgent investigation into the disappearance of Mr. Sombath Somphone

We, members of parliament across Asia and Europe, write to you deeply concerned about the safety and well-being of Mr. Sombath Somphone one of the most prominent Lao co-organizers of the Asia Europe People’s Forum 9, the founder and former Director of PADETC and one of the most respected and influential voices for sustainable people-centred and just economic and social development in Laos as well as in Asia.

Mr. Sombath Somphone has been missing since about 5 pm on Saturday December 15th 2012. His wife and colleagues last saw Mr. Sombath Somphone on December 15 at 5 pm when he left the PADETC office in Vientiane to go home. He left the office in his own car; his wife was in another car. He did not reach home and his family has had no news from or about him since then.

We are concerned about his safety, his state of health and his well-being.

We are aware that the International Organising Committee of the Asia Europe People’s Forum has worked intensively with Mr. Sombath Somphone over the last year. His contribution to the successful Asia Europe People’s Forum 9 in Vientiane on the 16-19 October was extremely significant, widely recognized and deeply respected. In addition he is a highly respected educationalist, inspiration for sustainable development and a recipient of the prestigious international Magsaysay Award for Community Leadership in 2005. He has dedicated his life to sustainable development and poverty reduction in the Lao PDR, and has contributed positively to numerous international processes, including the AEPF9. Mr. Sombath is an inspiration to development practitioners all over the world.

We are deeply concerned for Mr. Sombath’s safety and well-being and his disappearance is cause for great alarm.

We urge the Lao Government to immediately and urgently initiate an investigation into Mr. Sombath’s disappearance. And, we call on the government to undertake all actions necessary to ensure his immediate safe return to his family.

Yours sincerely,
SIGNATURES

AUSTRIA

  • Petra Bayr, Social Democratic Party
  • Efgani Dönmez , Green Party
  • Judith Schwentner, Green Party
  • Tanja Windbüchler-Souchil, Green Party
  • Wolfgang Zinggl, Green Party

AUSTRALIA

  • Lee Rhiannon, Australian Greens

BELGIUM

  • Céline Delforge (Parliament of the Brussel’s Region), Ecolo-Groen

CAMBODIA

  • Son Chay (Party Whip) Sam Rainsy Party

GERMANY

  • Thomas Gambke, Group Alliance 90/ The Greens
  • Annette Groth (Human Rights Spokesperson of the Parliamentary Group), Die Linke
  • Heike Hänsel (Spokesperson for Development Policy of the Parliamentary Group), Die Linke
  • Wolfgang Gehrke (Foreign Policy Speaker of the Parliamentary Group), Die Linke
  • Stefan Liebich, Die Linke
  • Frithjof Schmidt, Vice-Chair of the Parliamentary Group Alliance 90/ The Greens

INDONESIA

  • M. Hanif Dhakiri, Nation Awakening Party (PKB)
  • Budiman Sudjatmiko, Gedung DPR/MPR
  • Lily Chadidjah Wahid, Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB)

MALAYSIA

  • Chong Chieng Jen, Democratic Action Party
  • Tian Chua, Parti Keadilan Rakyat
  • Teo Nie Ching, Democratic Action Party
  • Ngeh Koo Ham, Democratic Action Party
  • M Manoraharan, Democratic Action Party
  • Tony Pua, Democratic Action Party
  • Charles Santiago, Democratic Action Party
  • Ramakrishan Suppiah, Democratic Action Party
  • Liew Chin Tong, Democratic Action Party

NETHERLANDS

  • Tuur Elzinga (Senator), Socialist Party

PHILIPPINES

  • Walden Bello, Akbayan
  • Teddy Brawner Baguilat, Liberal Party
  • Arlene Bag-ao, Akbayan
  • Jorge Banal, Liberal Party
  • Bernadette Herrera-Dy, Bagong Henerasyon
  • Lorenzo Tanada III, Liberal Party

SCOTLAND

  • Alasdair Allan, Scottish National Party

SPAIN

  • Laia Ortiz Castellví, G.P. La Izquierda Plural

SWEDEN

  • Jens Holm, Swedish Left Party

SWITZERLAND

  • Francine John-Calame, Green Party
  • Liliane Maury Pasquier, Social Democratic Party
  • Luc Recordon , Green Party
  • Maria Roth-Bernasconi, Social Democratic Party
  • Geraldine Savary , Social Democratic Party

THAILAND

  • Veeravit Gongsakdi, Senator
  • Prasarn Marukpitak, Senator
  • Sumol Sutaviyawat, Senator
  • Somchai Swangkarn, Senator
  • Rosana Tositrakul, Senator
  • Trungjai Buranasomphob, Senator

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT

  • Lothar Bisky, MEP, GUE/NGL Group (Germany)
  • Nikolas Chountis, MEP, Member of the Bureau GUE/NGL Group (Greece)
  • Cornelia Ernst, MEP, Member of the Bureau GUE/NGL Group (Germany)
  • Mikael Gustafsson, MEP, Vice Chair GUE/NGL Group,
  • Chair Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality (Sweden),
  • Thomas Händel, MEP, Member of the Bureau GUE/NGL Group (Germany)
  • Jürgen Klute, MEP, GUE/NGL Group (Germany)
  • Barbara Lochbihler, MEP, Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance
  • Chair of Subcommittee on Human Rights (Germany)
  • Sabina Lösing, MEP, GUE/NGL Group (Germany)
  • Marisa Matias, MEP, Member of the Bureau GUE/NGL Group (Portugal)
  • Willy Meyer, MEP, Member of the Bureau GUE/NGL Group (Spain)
  • Paul Murphy, MEP, Member of the Bureau GUE/NGL Group (Ireland)
  • Sirpa Pietikäinen, MEP, Group of the European People’s Party (Finland)
  • Niccolò Rinaldi, MEP, Vice Chair Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (Italy)
  • Helmut Scholz, MEP, GUE/NGL Group (Germany)
  • Søren Bo Søndergaard, MEP, Member of the Bureau GUE/NGL Group (Denmark)
  • Alda Sousa, MEP, GUE/NGL Group (Portugal)
  • Marie-Christine Vergiat, MEP, GUE/NGL Group (France)
  • Sabine Wils, MEP, GUE/NGL Group (Germany)
  • Tatjana Zdanoka, MEP, Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance (Latvia)
  • Gabriele Zimmer, MEP, Chair GUE/NGL Group (Germany)

COPY FURNISHED

  • Minister of the Prime Minister Office
  • Minister of Foreign Affairs, Lao PDR
  • Ministry of Public Security Lao PDR

Lao National Assembly VII, Members of the Standing Committee

  • Pany Yathotu, President
  • Saysomphone Phomvihan, Vice-President
  • SomphanhPhengkhammy, Vice-President
  • Douangdy Outhachak, Member of the Standing Committee, President of Ethnic Affairs Committee
  • Davone Vangvichit, Member of the Standing Committee, President of Law Committee
  • Koukeo Akkhamounty, Member of the Standing Committee, President of Foreign Affairs Committee
  • Souvanpheng Boupphanouvong, Member of the Standing Committee,
  • President of Economics Planning and Finance Committee
  • Phonethep Pholsena, Member of the Standing Committee, President of Cultural and Social Affairs Committee
  • Vilay Douangmany, Member of the Standing Committee, President of National Defence and Security Committee
  • Ounkeo Vouthirath, Member of the Standing Committee, chief of the Cabinet
  • ASEAN Secretary-General Le Luong Minh
  • Ambassador David Lipman, Head of Delegation of the European Union to Thailand, Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar, and EU Representative to the Ninth Asia Europe People’s Forum in Vientiane
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Statement of Rep. Walden Bello, Member of the House of Representatives of the Republic of the Philippines

Statement of Rep. Walden Bello, Member of the House of Representatives of the Republic of the Philippines

January 15, 2013

We are members of a delegation of ASEAN parliamentarians that visited the Lao Peoples’ Democratic Republic to investigate the disappearance of Sombath Somphone, the prominent Lao leader of civil society from January 13 to 15. We went at the request of the Asia-Europe People’s Forum (AEPF)

The delegation was assembled in 10 days’ time owing to the urgency of the matter. Despite the short notice, high officials of the Lao PDR met with us, and we are very grateful for this. We had a very frank exchange of views in a cordial atmosphere.

We told the officials we met with that the disappearance of Sombath is an ASEAN concern because Sombath is an ASEAN figure whose work has touched the lives of many people in Laos and other countries in ASEAN. His work on rural development is a model emulated throughout the region. Moreover, at a time when ASEAN is coming together as a real community in the eyes of the world, his disappearance reflects badly not only on Laos but on the whole ASEAN community.

The officials we met acknowledged that the disappearance of Sombath is a blow to the reputation of the Lao PDR and that it could not have come at a worse time, coming on the heels of the country’s joining the World Trade Organization and hosting the Asia-Europe Leaders Meeting (ASEM). They also all acknowledged that Sombath is an important civil society leader who has contributed much to Laos’ development working alongside government, with many of them saying they knew him personally. They also noted the special responsibility of the government to solve Mr. Sombath’s disappearance since the Lao PDR has just signed the Convention on the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance, being the fourth country in Asia to do so.

One of the Lao leaders we met, Mr. Phoungsavath Boupha, President of the National Committee for Human Rights in the Office of the President, acknowledged that Sombath’s disappearance is not the first case of disappearance in Laos. He cited the case of the sister of the wife of the former ambassador of the Lao PDR to Indonesia who vanished five years ago and has not yet been found. We stressed to the officials we met that this case shows the importance of acting swiftly to find the disappeared, for the longer he or she is not located, the greater the chances that he will no longer surface.

We are very grateful for the meetings and the frank exchange of views, but we are from satisfied with the answers we got, and we told this to our hosts.

We were told that after a month of investigation, the only thing that has been established is that the police had nothing to do with the disappearance. We told them that this was not credible and that if we accepted this as fact as to the progress of the case, we would ourselves lose credibility.

We were told that Sombath was kidnapped, but we said if this was done by criminal elements, the family would by now have received a demand for ransom. No such note specifying an amount has been received. We received no satisfactory answer to this.

We noted discrepancies in our hosts’ accounts of the circumstances of the abduction. Most of the officials we met said that there was no evidence that Sombath got into the pickup truck that appeared in the CCTV footage after his jeep was stopped. Yet Mr. Sakayane Sisouvong, the Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said Sombath voluntarily boarded that vehicle.

Considering the experience of other countries in ASEAN where abductions have taken place, like the Philippines and Indonesia, we asked about the possibility that some section of the government or rogue elements in the government might have carried out an abduction that the rest of the government did not know about. This query did not elicit an answer from the officials we spoke to, except from Permanent Secretary Sisouvong, who said it was good suggestion. We expressed our hope to him that the authorities would indeed look into this angle.

We asked if Sombath’s disappearance might have something to do with the Asia Europe People’s Forum and the expulsion of Anne-Sophie Grindroz, the country director of the Swiss agency Helvetas. All we got in answer to this question was that Anne-Sophie was acting against Laos’ interests. There was a denial that Sombath’s disappearance was connected to her expulsion or the holding of the AEPF.

In short, our visit raised more questions than answers. It is indeed possible that the officials we met, high though they are in the government and National Assembly, do not know what happened to Sombath. Thus, it is all the more important that the highest state authorities direct the police, security, and intelligence agencies to focus their investigation on all possibilities, including the possibility that Mr. Sombath may have been abducted by elements, possibly rogue elements, within the government itself, a line of investigation that we strongly suggested and which was accepted as a good suggestion by the Permanent Secretary of Foreign Affairs.

In conclusion, we would like to thank the government and the National Assembly of the Lao PDR for meeting and having a frank exchange of views with us. We especially appreciate the fact that our visit was not taken as an intrusion into the sovereignty of the Lao PDR but as a legitimate expression of fraternal ASEAN concern, and that our suggestion that the objects of investigation include possible sections or rogue elements in the government was accepted as a viable course of action. Let me reiterate what both sides repeated throughout the talks: that the immediate surfacing of Mr. Sombath is in the interest of all parties, of Mr. Sombath and his family, of the Lao PDR, and of ASEAN.

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Our Deep Concern over the Disappearance of Mr. Sombath Somphone

Our Deep Concern over the Disappearance of Mr. Sombath Somphone

December 19, 2012

Statement from The International Organising Committee of the Asia Europe People’s Forum

The International Organising Committee of the Asia Europe People’s Forum is compelled to share as widely, vocally and publicly as possible our deep concern for the safety and wellbeing of Mr. Sombath Somphone one of the most prominent Lao co-organizers of the Asia Europe People’s Forum 9 (AEPF9), the founder and former Director of PADETC and one of the most respected and influential voices for sustainable people-centred and just economic and social development in Laos.

Mr. Sombath Somphone has been missing since about 5 pm on Saturday December 15th 2012.

We urge the Lao Government to immediately and urgently initiate an investigation into Mr. Sombath’s disappearance.

His wife and colleagues last saw Mr. Sombath Somphone on December 15 at 5 pm when he left the PADETC office in Vientiane to go home. He left the office in his own car; his wife was in another car. He did not reach home and his family has had no news from or about him since then. His family checked all the hospitals later the same day and on Sunday December 16, but none of the hospitals had admitted him. His car—an open-top Jeep–has also not been found. His family has filed a report with the police. His family and friends have continued searching for Mr. Sombath Somphone, with no results. Where he is now, his safety, his state of health and his wellbeing are all unknown.

As members of the International Organising Committee of the Asia Europe People’s Forum we have worked intensively with Mr. Sombath Somphone over the last year as is the co-chair of the Lao National Organising Committee for AEPF9. His contribution to the successful Asia Europe People’s Forum 9 in Vientiane on the 16-19 October was extremely significant, widely recognized and deeply respected. The film he has inspired, ‘Happy Laos’, closed the forum. In addition he is a highly respected educationalist, inspiration for sustainable development and a recipient of the prestigious international Ramon Magsaysay Award for Community Leadership in 2005. He has dedicated his life to sustainable development and poverty reduction in the Lao PDR, and has contributed positively to numerous international processes, including the AEPF9. Mr. Sombath is an inspiration to development practitioners all over the world.

We are deeply concerned for Mr. Sombath’s safety and well-being and his disappearance is cause for great alarm.

We urge the Lao Government to use its extensive resources to conduct an immediate and thorough investigation into Mr. Sombath’s disappearance, and to make every effort to ensure his safety and freedom.

We are urging all relevant national and international institutions, Parliamentarians from ASEM member countries, people and organisations who have participated in and been part of the Asia Europe People’s Forums since 1996 to join us in urging the Lao Government to investigate Mr. Sombath’s disappearance, and to make every effort to ensure his safety and freedom.

The International Organising Committee of the Asia Europe People’s Forum,

  1. Christina Ebro, Institute for Popular Democracy, The Philippines cgebro@gmail.com;
  2. Maris dela Cruz, Institute for Popular Democracy, The Philippines, sirmallet@gmail.com;
  3. Charles Santiago, Member of Parliament, Malaysia, charlessantiago@gmail.com;
  4. Nguyen Van, nghoangvan@hotmail.com;
  5. Yap Swee Seng, Forum Asia, yap@forum-asia.org;
  6. Riza Damanik, Asia Europe People’s Forum Committee of Indonesia, riza.damanik@gmail.com;
  7. Dottie Guerrero, Focus on the Global South, Thailand, d.guerrero@focusweb.org;
  8. Willy D’Costa, Indian Social Action Forum, willyindia@gmail.com;
  9. Tove Selin, Finnish Asia Europe People’s Forum Committee, tove@xn.fi;
  10. Tom Kucharz, Ecologistas en Acción, Spain, agroecologia@ecologistasenaccion.org;
  11. Kalle Sysikaski, Finnish Asia Europe People’s Forum Committee sysikas@kaapeli.fi;
  12. Sally Rousset, French Asia Europe People’s Forum Committee, sally.rousset@wanadoo.fr;
  13. Klaus Fritsche, Asien Haus (German Asia Foundation, philippinenbüro, South-East Asia Information Center, Germany), klaus.fritsche@asienhaus.de;
  14. Pietje Vervest, Transnational Institute, pietje.vervest@tni.org;
  15. Andy Rutherford, Fresh Eyes – People to People Travel UK, andyfresheyes@gmail.com
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Final Declaration 9th Asia- Europe People’s Forum – Vientiane, Laos

Final Declaration 9th Asia- Europe People’s Forum – Vientiane, Laos

October 23, 2012

We, over 1,000 women and men, representing people’s organisations and citizens from Asia and Europe joined together from 16th to 19th October 2012 in Vientiane, Laos at the 9th Asia Europe People’s Forum under the title “People’s Solidarity against Poverty and for Sustainable Development: Challenging Unjust and Unequal Development, Building States of Citizens for Citizens”. The AEPF9 tackled four major themes, or People’s Visions, which represent AEPF’s hopes for citizens of the ASEM member countries and the communities they live in. These are:

  • Universal Social Protection and Access to Essential Services;
  • Food Sovereignty and Sustainable Land and Natural Resource Management
  • Sustainable Energy Production and Use; and
  • Just Work and Sustainable Livelihoods.

Preceding the 9th Asia-Europe People’s Forum we held three preparatory workshops in South and South-East Asia on our four themes. In Laos, 16 provincial level consultations were held which contributed to the development of a draft Lao People’s Vision Statement. These brought together the reflections, aspirations and visions of the Lao people from a wide range of mass and civil society organisations across Lao society. They are an important contribution to future dialogues for development and seen as part of the Laos’ commitment to strengthening partnerships for development.

At the Asia Europe People’s Forum 9 we focussed on developing strategies and recommendations to our elected representatives in our countries, and to ourselves, as active citizens.

We met at a time of major historical importance that has brought into sharp focus the drastic inequalities, injustices and poverty experienced by people across Asia and Europe. What is often presented as a ‘financial crisis’ is in reality part of a series of interlinked crises – food, energy, climate, human security and environmental degradation – that are already devastating the lives, and compounding the poverty and exclusion faced on a daily basis by millions of women, men and children across Asia and increasingly across Europe. The gap between the rich and the poor is widening, and access to resources, livelihood opportunities and basic services remain grossly unequal. The ASEM9 is an historic opportunity for ASEM governments to take the timely and decisive actions needed to address this.

There is a strong consensus among Asian and European citizens gathered at the AEPF9 that the dominant approach over the last decades – based around deregulation of markets, increasing power of multinational corporations, unaccountable multilateral institutions and trade liberalisation – has failed in its aims to meet the needs and rights of all citizens. We need to go beyond an analysis and response that focuses solely on short-term measures benefiting a few financial institutions and large corporations. There is a deep felt need and demand for change and for new people-centred policies and practices.

Despite the policy failures of trade liberalisation, market deregulation and privatisation, our governments continue to ignore the growing tangible consensus for fundamental policy change. Instead of fulfilling the needs of people and reinvigorating local economies, hundreds of billions of Euros have been mobilised to save the banks and financial system, while essential social services remain under-funded and are being dismantled in many parts of Europe.

Despite existing laws, regulations, standards and mechanisms, our governments have failed to prioritise human rights, environmental security and labour rights, over the profits of companies. The consequences of this corporate domination are experienced in the lives of millions of women, men and children across Asia and Europe. This has led to a hollowing out of democratic accountability as elites make decisions and implement policies with little or no scrutiny from citizens, creating the conditions for poverty, inequality, environmental devastation and growing social unrest.

Our governments and the citizens of Asia and Europe have the responsibility to transform our social, economic and political futures so that we can all live in peace, security and dignity. We all need to take responsibility to work together to create and implement the radical and creative solutions needed for people-centred recovery and change.

We therefore call upon the governments who are members of ASEM to implement people-centred responses to the current crises in an effective and responsible manner. Urgent need must be given to poor, excluded and marginalised people and governments must work with citizens to develop and implement policies that will lead to a just, equal and sustainable world, and more accountable and democratic institutions – based on respect for gender equality, our environment and our fundamental human rights.

The AEPF is a strategic civil society gathering of Asian and European social movements fighting poverty and inequality and working for social justice. The AEPF is grounded in the common desires of people’s organisations and social justice networks across Asia and Europe to open up new venues for dialogue, solidarity and action.

The following call to action is based on the recommendations from the many vibrant and exciting events that were held throughout these four days.

Call to Action – from the 9th Asia Europe People’s Forum
The 9th Asia Europe People’s Forum, representing citizens, people and social movements from Asia and Europe, urges ASEM and its member Governments to recognise the following issues, priorities and to take forward our recommendations:

A. Universal Social Protection and Access to Essential Services

Globally, only 20 percent of people have access to social protection- the coverage in nearly all Asian countries is even lower. In Europe, the welfare state and social contract have been systematically eroded by both national governments and European Union (EU) institutions in the name of market-driven policies and private profits.

Social protection and access to essential services are fundamental rights covering rights to work, adequate food, essential services and social security. States have the obligation to actively promote, protect and fulfil these rights. After 2015, following on from Millennium Development Goals, there is a new opportunity for governments to legislate for a comprehensive set of transformative social ‘indispensable to a life’ policies to promote universal social protection based on human and social rights.

A transformative social protection system is a broad package of commitments and services that includes social security, social assistance, labour rights and social services that covers the entire population in order to prevent and reduce poverty. It should protect individuals against risks of impoverishment in situations of sickness, disability, unemployment, old age, high healthcare costs, general poverty and social exclusion. It subscribes to principles of equality and non-discrimination, fosters organic solidarity, and contributes to human security and to the common good of humanity.

A transformative and universal social protection system must be implemented together with alternative national development strategies that restore the sovereign rights of states to chart a people-centred development that is just, democratic, and sustainable, reversing the neo-liberal policies of liberalisation, deregulation, and privatization.

Key Recommendations
We call on our governments to:

  1. Enact legislation and secure public finance for a social protection system that is rights-based and universal. This will enable basic social protection for all people including workers – informal and formal, paid and unpaid, women and men, including migrants. This social protection system covers fundamental rights vital to a life of dignity which include: The Right to Work (access to work guarantees, living wages and decent work according to ILO core standards, full employment with shorter working weeks), Food, Essential Services (access to universal and quality health and reproductive health care, education, water and sanitation, energy and affordable and decent public housing), Social Security (living pensions for the elderly and disabled, child subsidies), and insurance with guaranteed fair/living wage (against risks of unemployment, illness and agricultural calamities).
  2. Develop adequate fiscal policies that generate sufficient domestic funds for universal social protection. Appropriate tax regimes should effectively tax transnational corporations, rich individuals and large landowners rather than applying regressive taxation such as VAT. Our governments should introduce a Financial Transaction Tax, close tax havens and secret banking and cancel odious debts.
  3. Work through ASEAN to adopt a Social Agenda that will include the universalisation of social protection and the decommodification of all essential goods and services indispensable to life. Social protection should be under state authority and free for all people.
  4. Be parties to developing and agreeing a UN Charter on the Common Goods of Humankind that will establish the common ownership of resources, goods and services, which are essential to life; cooperative management by the international community must be adopted.
  5. Exclude TRIPS plus provisions in all bilateral/multilateral trade agreements especially provisions on data exclusivity and patent extension because of its direct impacts on public health and access to medicines. TRIPS plus provisions threaten and undermine governments’ authority to use the TRIPS flexibilities allowed them in favour of providing for affordable and accessible medicines for the majority. These flexibilities are even more important given the reality that out-of-pocket costs of medicines are increasing, with the poor in Asia often spending more than half of their income on medicines.
  6. Ratify and fully implement the UN Conventions on the Rights of Disabled People and mainstream disability concerns into local and national economic and social development; a focus should be placed on empowering people with disabilities and their organisations to ensure equal participation and full inclusion in all respects of life.
  7. Recognise the complex root causes of poverty and to ensure that all countries ensure that all citizens have the opportunity to have their voices heard, opinions respected and can participate in decision making that affects them, as well as in defining what it is those decisions need to be. This must include children and young people and it must go further than basic adherence to international legal instruments such as the Convention on Rights of the Child. It is critical that mechanisms are developed and implemented to provide opportunities for true participation at the local, national and global level to ensure that development is inclusive of all, including children, young people and the most vulnerable. These voices must be heard to ensure a move towards more just and people-centred services and development.
  8. Ensure and guarantee quality, basic education for all and fast track affirmative actions for marginalized children, youth and adults.
  9. Promote and support literacy and respect for local wisdom as the foundation for life-long learning. Finance fully-costed life long learning programmes that enable everyone regardless of age, sex and ethnicity to access opportunities throughout life through formal, non-formal and informal education.
  10. Ensure quality curricula in formal, non-formal and informal education that integrates participatory sustainable development, technical-vocational life, skills, self-determination and participation within the framework of Education for Sustainable Development (ESD). Learners should have a say on what quality learning means.
  11. Enhance positive cooperation between Civil Society Organisations, Governments and the private sector toward sustainable development.
  12. Support all citizens to take part in drafting and review of national development frameworks.
  13. Develop and promote adequate social protection mechanisms for indigenous peoples and ensure their access to essential services.
  14. Ensure a shift from corporate social responsibility to corporate social accountability that emphasizes diligence with its elements of prevention, protection, prosecution and reparation according to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) for human rights violations, including gender-based impacts and violence.
  15. Strengthen and implement safeguards policies and accountability mechanisms, including the dissemination of correct and complete information, free and prior informed consent, organization of meaningful community consultations, administer just compensation and actions that ensure the bodily integrity and social well-being of communities, especially marginalized groups such as women and minorities, to hold governments, corporations and international financial institutions accountable and ensure a development towards resilient, equitable, inclusive low carbon communities.
  16. Migrants must have the right to marriage, family, culture and political participation. This includes raising children according to their identity and culture. These rights ensure full participation in community life. One must also be able to keep one’s identity, unlike many migration policies, which promote assimilation.
  17. The Hague Convention on child custody must be recognized by all countries.

B. Food Sovereignty and Sustainable Land and Natural Resource Management

In response to the financial, economic, and ecological crises, a new wave of land, water and resource grabbing is occurring. Powerful international and domestic forces are pushing forward a new round of enclosures globally for both food and non-food purposes.

In Asia, land and resource grabbing is accelerating in the name of ‘development’. There is a growing body of evidence that these large-scale investments in agriculture and extractive industries are resulting in a cascade of negative impacts on rural livelihoods and ecologies, human rights, and local food security and food sovereignty.

In Europe, the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP), based on the international competitiveness of European agri-business, is forcing many farmers to exit agriculture. The EU’s bio-energy policies, most prominently the Renewable Energy Directive (RED), are diverting land used for food production for large-scale, monoculture, agro-fuel and agro-energy crop production. The EU’s trade policy, in particular the Everything But Arms initiative, has fuelled global land grabbing.

Banks, hedge funds and pension funds are betting on food prices in financial markets, causing drastic price swings in staple foods such as wheat, maize and soya. This speculation on food is driving up global food prices. Food speculation by banks and financial market traders must be regulated.

We are facing a global water crisis. Never has there been such pressure on water resources and such water scarcity. In many countries, the water crisis is manipulated by International Finance Institutions’ (World Bank and Asian Development Bank) drive to grab water and has resulted in the takeover of water resources and services by corporations and private companies. This situation encourages anti-poor policies, increasing the role for corporations in the water sector, and producing bigger pubic debts, which in the end do not necessarily ensure water provision, equitable access and efficiency.

Within the social movements, food sovereignty has prevailed as an alternative to the industrial agricultural model. Food sovereignty is based on the right of peoples to define their own food, agriculture, livestock and fishery systems, independent of international market forces. It is called for by farmers, peasants, pastoralists, fisher folk, indigenous peoples, women, rural youth and their allies all over the world.

Our common vision is therefore based on the principles of food and land sovereignty. Peasants, small-scale food producers, and rural populations should be able to decide their own development path.

Our health and the health of the earth and future generations depend on healthy soil, strong food communities and small-scale diversified farms. There are growing movements of young farmers and alternatives agriculture, which can provide solutions to many of the global challenges we are facing. To support these, we should promote local food systems and strengthen networks for farming with dignity, integrity and self-reliance.

Key Recommendations
We call on our governments to:

  1. Oppose land and resource grabbing and support the Human Right to Food. Implement the Voluntary Guidelines on Responsible Governance of Tenure of Land, Fisheries, and Forests. These Guidelines are an important first step in protecting the tenure rights of small-scale food producers and ensuring a more equitable governance of natural resources.
  2. Support the on-going process at the UN level of the recognition of the Rights of Peasants.
  3. Respect human rights in its trade, agricultural, energy, development, environmental, land and water policies. The EU should investigate the impact of its trade policies, such as the Everything But Arms agreement, which has evicted thousands of people from their land in some countries.
  4. Drop the agro-fuels targets under the Renewable Energy Directive.
  5. Support food sovereignty in Asia and Europe, including in the reform process of the EU’s Common Agricultural Policy.
  6. Invest in a coherent, progressive, publically funded rural development strategy. This investment should focus on the needs of small-scale food producers, rural women, and indigenous peoples. Local and national development plans must fully recognise the rights of local communities to sustainable livelihoods and food sovereignty. They should protect and respect people’s access to land, water and biodiversity. The Development Agenda must recognise that women traditionally have skills and knowledge for livelihoods that ensure food security for all.
  7. Respect the rights of indigenous peoples to their lands, territories and resources as the material, economic, social and cultural base for their collective survival and development. This includes the full and effective participation of indigenous peoples in decision-making processes relating to development including the requirement for free, prior and informed consent of indigenous peoples in development projects. Lastly, acknowledge the contribution of indigenous peoples in sustainable development through their simple and low carbon lifestyles, their traditional knowledge, indigenous techniques and innovative ways of production.
  8. Regulate food speculation by banks and financial market traders as a matter of urgency. By passing legislation to ensure that all futures contracts are cleared through regulated exchanges. Contracts need to be brought out into the open, in the same way that shares are traded on the stock exchange. There should also be strict limits on the amount that bankers can bet on food prices. Caps should be set on the amount of the market that can be held by the biggest traders, and on the amount of the market that can be held by financial speculators as a whole

C. Sustainable Energy Production and Use

The current development paradigm, characterised by overproduction and consumption without regard to the earth’s capacity, is incompatible with long-term solutions needed to save the economy and our planet. Governments should see the climate crisis as an opportunity to embark to a low carbon society and enable inclusive development by promoting renewable energy access and availability to the most disadvantaged and remote communities. To understand the cause of climate change and come up with sustainable solutions to the problems linked with the degradation of natural resources and increasing environmental insecurity and injustice, we need to see the connection between the climate crisis and the way societies are organised.

Access to energy is a fundamental right and not a privilege. People must have a say in energy governance. Justice and social transformation should be the measures for even energy distribution between countries and within societies. Many cases of hydropower dams still show the lack of consensus in viewing the causes of problems and the appropriate solutions needed to address energy poverty.

Market based instruments are emerging as a new development approach which brings environmental resources – the commons – into the current market system under the Green Economy. Payments for environmental services and offsetting are two main ideas behind the approach. However, they would undermine the shift to genuinely sustainable livelihoods and self-reliance of small-scale farmers and forest communities and on the other hand delay necessary transition to a low carbon society in industrialised nations. Other solutions proposed under the ‘Green Economy’ include those new technologies which are unproven and unsafe, including GMOs and synthetic biology, nano-technology, bio-fuels and geo-engineering (amongst others) which have a tendency to mainly benefit large corporations.

In particular the carbon market established through international climate policy has led to the promotion of projects, which do not deliver environmental and social benefits, some of them even being harmful to local communities. Moreover, international climate policy has generated a number of false solutions which are unproven, unsafe and unsustainable, such as monoculture plantations, GMOs, geo-engineering and massive bio-fuel exports / imports jeopardizing food security.

The UN has adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIPS) rather than insisting that the UN Collaborative Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) complies to UNDRIPs. There are remaining unresolved issues, which pose questions on the need for REDD. REDD projects also show a tendency towards militarisation in the implementation of projects. It is proving to become another way to pollute and negatively exploit forest resources. Indigenous peoples often do not want REDD, they want their rights to live in and manage forests to be upheld; REDD also fails to address climate change.

Lastly, waste generation is a result of negative resource use and waste production from individual and business activities, as well as inadequate governmental policies. Anything that cannot be re-used, recycled, or re-designed is pollution – a threat to human and planetary existence and a negative legacy to future generations. Thus it must be eliminated, prevented from being produced or banned from entering the market.

Key Recommendations
We call on our governments to:

  1. To fulfil their responsibility to mitigate climate change, pay its ecological debt to poor countries and realise fair sharing of development space, the EU should achieve a major transition to a sustainable energy system, based on renewable energies, energy efficiency and also sufficiency, and therefore speed up and intensify their efforts.
  2. Shift the system of production and consumption oriented on continuous expansion and appropriation of nature to a more sustainable and environment-friendly one, which fulfils the needs of people and not corporations.
  3. Ensure a political environment where people can confidently participate and discuss their ideas for alternative energy policies and create a participative processes of energy development and production that reflect the concerns and needs of affected communities.
  4. Develop and implement effective, socially fair and just policies and measures to promote renewable energy, in particular decentralised installations and systems, transformative solutions to end energy poverty, as well as improved energy efficiency (in both developing and developed countries).
  5. Commit to progressing, with urgency, to a nuclear power free world. This will require decommissioning existing nuclear power stations, stopping the development of planned power stations and taking forward alternatives.
  6. Take forward ambitious and serious thinking of how to enable and empower small and very small power producers and to develop policies that will realise up-scaling community based energy systems.
  7. Uphold a human rights approach to the governance of natural commons, especially in terms of allocation, distribution and resource management. Uphold the UN Resolution that states water is a human right and not private property, not a commodity, not a tradable economic good and not simply a factor of production. Water should not be transformed from a commons to a commodity.
  8. Legislate and implement a national waste plan that will reduce waste, phase out non-biodegradable plastics, build infrastructures and mechanisms to reduce, re-use, re-cycle and redesign waste. Companies and other actors that do not comply with effective and sustainable waste management policies must be held liable or sanctioned.
  9. Recognise the right of people and communities in forest areas and their capacity to sustainably use and manage forest resources in preference to global forest-carbon schemes and mechanisms before any development or conservation scheme is considered.

D. Just Work and Sustainable Livelihoods

Dramatic changes in the context of work and in the forms of labour and employment are happening across Asia and Europe. Despite the differences – in particular the debt crisis in Europe and the livelihood crisis in Asia caused by investments increasingly based on land and water grabbing – many common features can be identified. Migration in and between countries, with a risk of trafficking, is increasing in Asia as well as in Europe. The hopes for job and income security and sustainable livelihoods have not materialised. Where labour has been formalised, labour standards and workers’ rights are being eroded and Trade Unions and collective bargaining are being weakened. The power and profits of corporations are increasing. Free Trade Agreements are leading to further erosions of workers rights’ and the dismantling of social protection. Where growth occurs it is often jobless growth.

The precarious and unprotected forms of labour which are dominant in Asia, informal, casual, contract, and temporary employment have come to Europe. For the sake of competitiveness and in the interest of investors, the imperative of reducing labour costs is consolidating the trend towards low-waged and insecure employment. The race to the bottom is speeding up. Cutting costs in the public sector of many countries is leading to decreases in jobs and in essential social services. In Europe, the crisis is causing more unemployment, more precarious and vulnerable work, as well as cuts in wages and pensions. Even in countries less hit by the crisis, the feeling of the majority of the population is a growing insecurity in and of work and about social protection. At the same time, social inequalities and disparities in wages, income and well-being are growing with a mounting number of working poor and millionaires/’super-rich’.

This overall restructuring of labour and labour markets in different contexts makes it impossible to still draw clear lines between formal and informal, secure and insecure, paid and unpaid work. A concept of justice in work has to go beyond rules and regulations for waged labour and include all work outside of the market, balance the inequalities between women and men, care work and industrial work, and protect local communities and migrants’ rights. It is necessary to think much more outside of the box, search for new forms of organisation and for different economic paths which head towards an economy of solidarity, and socially, gender and environmentally just and sustainable livelihoods.

A few Transnational Corporations (TNCs) control 40 per cent of the global economy. Bilateral investment treaties and investment chapters in the Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) are part of an architecture of impunity for transnational corporations (TNCs) and as such undermine the sovereignty of both developed and developing countries, democratic governance and peoples’ interests. They allow corporations to challenge national laws that go against TNCs interests. TNCs have overturned laws and national policies including regulations to protect public services, the environment, working conditions, labour standards and health.

Tourism is a huge industry and a key driver of globalisation. With the growth of tourism, the social, economic, political and cultural rights of local communities are often neglected and violated, particularly those of poor and vulnerable communities. They see their land and resources being appropriated by the tourism industry, while they often do not have any say in the development affecting their lives.

We recognise that Trade Unions, community organisations, social movements and NGOs can join together to develop new alliances, which can join different issues and link across sectors and between countries. Social movements and workers’ organisations have to work with governments to develop a people centres ASEAN social charter that can enable just work, sustainable livelihoods and universal social protection.

Key Recommendations
We call on our governments to:

  1. Ratify, if not yet ratifies, the ILO Conventions on Domestic Workers, on Migrant Workers, on the right to organize, and right to collective bargaining , the Core Labour Standards (CLS), and ensure that appropriate and consistent national legislation is passed and becomes a reality.
  2. Recognise that all workers, irrespective of their nationality or legal status, shall have the right to labour rights, including a right to form and/or join trade unions and collective bargaining, consistent with the international Core Labour Standards.
  3. Fully implement their commitments made at the Potsdam ASEM Labour Ministerial (September 2006) including ILO Core Labour Standards, especially in the context of continuing erosion of formal labour rights, collective bargaining and Trade Union rights in some countries.
  4. Implement more redistributive policies, including minimum wages, and a progressive tax regime which implies an income ceiling and can decrease inequality in the context of growing inequalities in wages, income and social security in all Asian and European countries.
  5. Address the imbalance between production and social reproduction. Policies for gender equality have to cover both the labour market and the unpaid care economy. We call on European governments to reaffirm their commitments to affordable and accessible public services. We condemn the on-going privatisation of social services and call for a reversal. Paid and unpaid care and social reproductive work should be recognised as productive and valuable work.
  6. Put the interests of people before corporate profit and greed. We demand the immediate halt of negotiations for new investment agreements (BITs and FTAs), and the termination of existing ones. We recommend governments that do not have the chance to terminate the agreements, at the very least, to re-negotiate them and exclude investor-state dispute settlement mechanism. We demand governments to end corporate impunity and impose binding obligations on corporations that prioritize human, economic, environmental, labour and social rights.
  7. Work with social movements and workers’ organisations to develop a people-centred ASEAN social charter that can enable just work, sustainable livelihoods and universal social protection.
  8. To recognise there are human rights abuses related to tourism, commercial, trade and industrial activities, to strengthen solidarity with affected communities and to build alliances to advocate for change. Governments must ensure that human rights are respected and that people can participate in decision-making processes affecting their lives. No development must lead to evictions or displacement of people from their land, natural resources and livelihoods, violating their human rights. Governments must enforce adequate regulations to protect their population against all kinds of human rights violations.
  9. Ratify the UN Convention on the Protection of Rights and Well Being of Migrant Workers and members of their families and other relevant conventions as a minimum requirement for protecting the rights, decent work and well being of migrant workers. Recognise and protect the rights of migrant domestic workers and provide for the protection of their labour and human rights – in consultation with civil society and trade unions.
  10. Standardize the human rights of migrant workers in regional bodies in a way that adheres to and adds value to international human rights standards such as Convention on the Rights of Migrant Workers and their Families, International Labour Organization, and Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. This includes a standardization of procedures and process for labour migration to prevent discrimination based on gender, health, civil status and nationality.
  11. Articulate progressive policies on sexual and reproductive health and rights of migrants and migrant workers, especially women, ensuring individual self-determination of body, sexuality and mobility in the whole process of migration.
  12. Ensure the right of marriage migrants to marriage, citizenship, family, culture and political participation. This includes raising children according one’s identity and culture, instead of being imposed an assimilation policy.
  13. Recognize, respect and protect diaspora communities by establishing and institutionalizing policies and programmes, (with regular and adequate budgets), including complaint mechanisms and inter-country cooperation, and gender-sensitive services that can protect migrants including marriage migrants from abuse and exploitation.
  14. End the criminalisation of migrants and refugees. Implement human rights in dealing with: children, asylum seekers, pregnant women, the elderly, people with disabilities, people with special medical needs, or victims of trafficking. Authorities of migrants’ countries of origin shall provide consular assistance and other appropriate support when it is requested by its nationals. Authorities of the countries of origin shall pressure detaining countries to treat detained migrants humanely and lawfully
  15. To set up an Asia Europe Tripartite Mechanism for the preparation and development of the Asia Europe Instrument on Migrant Workers as well as other labour related instruments and policies.
  16. Abolish short-term or fixed duration employment contracts, and if still needed in exceptional situation should be limited in their use.
  17. Abolish manpower/labour outsourcing and all forms of triangular employment arrangements.
  18. Recognise that human rights defenders, including CSR/TNC compliance monitoring bodies, should issue alerts, lobby companies and governments, raise awareness among the general population and support workers who want to advocate for their rights.
  19. Recognise that trade unions and CSR/TNC monitoring bodies should be encouraged to lobby governments to ensure that trade agreements include guarantees for labour conditions and rights of workers. Ensure mechanisms which are mandatory, accountable and transparent, which can complement existing law or enhance them. Develop a collaborative mechanism between all sectors and actors.
  20. When government and/or ASEAN have discussions and engagements with investors, trade unions must always be part of the process.

The AEPF9’s participants also noted that the peace, security and people’s solidarity are the preconditions for Poverty Reduction and Sustainable Development.

Key Recommendations
We call on our governments to:

  1. Develop long term solutions to promote peace, human security and sustainable development by addressing the root causes of violent conflicts e.g. non-respect of minorities that prioritise non-violent means of conflict resolution, people-to-people interactions, use of international laws and regional co-operation.
  2. Recognise and address security threats both multilaterally and multi-dimensionally through the United Nations, and adhere to principles of international law.
  3. Establish an inter-regional conflict resolution mechanism to develop common visions on foreign policy and security, based on respect for national sovereignty and human rights.
  4. Fully implement UNSC Resolution 1325 that recognises women are both disproportionately affected by conflict and key actors in promoting peace, reconstruction and reconciliation.
  5. In tackling religious extremism, give special emphasis to the role of education and inter- and intra-convictional/faith dialogues at all levels. Ensure full freedom of expression and information to enable rational debate and understanding.
  6. Enact national legislation to guarantee full and public disclosure of government defence, arms exports and security budgets.
  7. Cut military expenditure that is being funded at the expense of health and education programmes.
  8. Use the Non-Proliferation Treaty as the basis of regional co-operation and take steps to denuclearise Europe and Asia while striving for a nuclear free world.
  9. Take primary responsibility to control the trade and proliferation of arms. Develop and agree transparent and binding mechanisms, overseen by the UN, to control arms imports and exports.
  10. Support of the implementation Cluster Munitions Convention. Support the clearance Unexploded Ordinance (UXO) and the rehabilitation of affected women, men, children and communities.
  11. Introduce legislation to make the European Code of Conduct on Arms Exports legally binding (with respect to European Union member states) and take steps to negotiate a Code of Conduct (with respect to states in Asia).
  12. Support and protect survivors of the use and effects of weapons of mass destruction. Hold companies responsible for the production of weapons of mass destruction and toxic chemicals to account so that victims are compensated.
  13. Develop and support mechanisms for trauma healing and social reconciliation as part of post-conflict reconstruction.
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Join the 9th Asia-Europe People’s Forum

Join the 9th Asia-Europe People’s Forum

April 27, 2012

A call to social movements, frontline communities and campaigning networks, and progressive NGOs, academics and parliamentarians across Asia and Europe: Join the 9th Asia-Europe People’s Forum

“People’s Solidarity against Poverty and for Sustainable Development: Challenging Unjust and Unequal Development, Building States of Citizens for Citizens”

Vientiane, Laos, 16-19 October, 2012

On 5-6 November, 2012 the 9th Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM9) will take place in Vientiane, Lao PDR. Under the theme ‘Friends for Peace, Partners for Prosperity’, leaders of 49 member states and governments in Asia and Europe will exchange views, priorities and plans on regional and global issues that are of common interest to both regions at the summit.

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Prior to and in conjunction with ASEM9, the Asia-Europe People’s Forum (AEPF9) will hold its 9th biennial People’s Forum on 16-19 October, 2012 under the title ‘People’s Solidarity against Poverty and for Sustainable Development: Challenging Unjust and Unequal Development, Building States of Citizens for Citizens’.

AEPF9 will tackle four major themes or People’s Visions, which represent AEPF hopes for citizens of ASEM member countries and the communities they live in. These are:

  • Universal Social Protection and Access to Essential Services;
  • Food Sovereignty and Sustainable Land and Natural Resource Management;
  • Sustainable Energy Production and Use; and
  • Just Work and Sustainable Livelihoods.

Progress towards the realisation of these People’s Visions is at the heart of a way out of the multiple crises confronting people, states and institutions globally. The ecological, debt, financial and food crises, which have been caused and compounded by the policies and practices of many governments in both rich and poor countries and their approaches to regulation of business, have caused increasing social polarization between peoples and states. In Asia, the crises are exacerbating poverty and inequality; already widespread before the present crises. In Europe, the crises are creating indebtedness, joblessness and insecurity. We are increasingly experiencing ‘corporate capture’: multinational and national corporations structuring and determining our lives and livelihoods. The responses of citizens are often at local and national levels and to complement these, the AEPF is looking to encourage and strengthen cooperation and solidarity of people’s networks regionally, inter-regionally and globally.

There are three stages that will contribute to building and promoting the Asia-Europe People’s Visions:

Preparation; ensuring that people across ASEM countries have the opportunity to debate, discuss and shape the AEPF9 themes.

The AEPF9 Forum; ensuring that the event is open, dynamic and inclusive and focuses on meaningful and practical discussion for change.

Beyond AEPF9; ensuring that commitments made during AEPF9 are honoured and that a sound platform for AEPF10 is laid.

AEPF9 will be an exciting series of interlinked dialogues, workshops, actions, policy debates and open spaces. You can be part of this event by actively participating in discussions to build the People’s Visions, which will be the basis of declarations from the Forum or by co-organising an event and/or contributing human and financial resources. There will be a call for expressions of interest to organise workshops and events soon.

Interested in joining us? Contribute your knowledge, resources or time to enable AEPF9 to be a success. This is YOUR forum.

Please watch out for announcements on AEPF9 activities and on how to register as a participant or co-organiser of events at the AEPF website (www.aepf.info). For further information, you may contact the following people, depending on your location:

AEPF9 Secretariat in the Lao PDR
Learning House for Development
Secretariat: secretariat@aepf9.info

AEPF9 Focal point/Secretariat in Asia
Institute for Popular Democracy
Tina Ebro: cgebro@gmail.com or Maris dela Cruz: sirmallet@gmail.com

AEPF9 Focal point in Europe
Transnational Institute Contact
Pietje Vervest: pietje.vervest@tni.org

The Asia-Europe People’s Forum (AEPF)

Since its formation in 1996, the AEPF has become the only continuing civil society inter-regional network connecting people’s movements and advancing their voices in ASEM. The AEPF is a people’s forum and it is critical that all people including those with disabilities, from ethnic communities, and from other vulnerable groups representing social diversity across Asia and Europe have access to the forum and the accompanying process.

Not just a one-off biennial event, the AEPF facilitates network-building, solidarity, and joint actions between and among civil society groups in Asia and Europe. It opens up new political spaces for influence, dialogue and cooperation, providing opportunities for social actors in each region to share, build, and strengthen campaigns and develop recommendations and people-centred alternatives at the national, regional, and inter-regional levels. It has also made significant contributions to increasing attention on the importance of influencing (inter) regional integration processes and placing regional network consolidation on the agenda of CSOs as a priority strategy. Its most active, longer-term coalitions and initiatives have been around water privatisation, EU-ASEAN Free Trade Agreements, transformative social protection, and participatory governance in pursuit of alternative regionalism and building states of citizens for citizens.

Now in its sixteenth year, the AEPF has entered a new phase of development where there is a strong consensus across Asia and Europe that the dominant neoliberal economic approach over the last decades – deregulation of markets, privatisation of public services, and trade liberalisation, as well the increasing power of multinational corporations and unaccountable multilateral institutions – is failing in its declared aims of meeting the needs and rights of the people.

Rationale of AEPF9 (Context)

The AEPF9 will be held at critical historical juncture when multiple crises confront people, states and institutions. The ecological, debt, financial and food crises have caused greater inequalities between peoples and between states; pain and impoverishment of the middle classes and destitution of the poor; and progress towards realising the basic social and economic rights for all has been reversed for many citizens across Europe and Asia.

Internationally, the traditional great powers like the USA are in economic decline, with de-industrialization and high unemployment, while giants from the South such as China and India are ascendant, with high growth and as the new manufacturing and consuming hubs. Meanwhile, Europe is in the midst of its deepest crises since World War II and a period of high growth and financial and social security is clearly over as indebtedness, joblessness and insecurity are growing. States are withdrawing subsidies, diminishing social nets and dismantling public utilities that were the result of many historic people’s struggles. Many states are adopting harsh measures to transfer the crises from financial institutions to the people. The international system is evolving into one where the USA, EU, China, India and Russia dominate decision making.

These new trends need to be understood and explained in order to develop appropriate responses from both policy makers and people. These historical changes indicate that Asia and Europe are more inter-dependent than ever before. There is much that the European and Asian social movements, as well as policy makers, can learn from each other. There are many policies that can be reformulated together. Asia can draw lessons on the need for sustainable growth that focuses on human development in order to avert its own financial, food, climate and social crises. Europe can learn how states need to control and regulate their economic and social systems to be inclusive and tolerant. Both need to collectively analyse the changing nature of the capitalist system and the state, in order to enable pro-people and inclusive policies and practices. Europe and Asia have to collectively resist militarization, reject conflict and re-invigorate transparent and truly democratic systems that can become more a reality for citizens where economic and social rights are more respected and are linked to genuine participation and access to services.

In this context, it is important to develop and advance coherent alternatives towards transformative frameworks for people-centred development that is more holistic, just, equitable, participatory and sustainable. Equally important is identifying common and collective strategies to effectively repudiate the failed neoliberal economic-centred model.

The causes of poverty are complex and are not limited to economic and other asset deficits; space for people’s voices to effect change that they value, power relations, personal and communal responsibilities, justice and the fulfillment of basic rights are essential for sustainable development.

Sustainable development must ensure that resource use does not deprive future generations of access to resources for their livelihoods and their well-being. This will require innovative initiatives for the 21st Century. At present we are consuming more than the earth can regenerate. Business as usual will not work.

People’s Solidarity against Poverty and for Sustainable Development

While a number of Asian countries have seen economic growth continue, though at a slower rate over the last two years, two thirds of the world’s poor and hungry are in Asia and struggling to live in dignity. Almost 80 per cent of the workforce in this region are pushed into the informal sector and suffer from extremely low wages and precarious working conditions. Hundreds of millions of women and men in Asia are in extreme poverty. Poverty that is not uni-dimensional and is broader than an economic measure; it includes an individual’s well-being and her/his opportunity to live a life of dignity. The fulfillment of not only civil and political rights, but also of economic, social and cultural rights are factors in addressing this poverty and achieving sustainable development – where future generations are not deprived of access to resources in order to live well.

The response from many governments and policy makers to these changes have been seen as unacceptable by many around the world and this has led to a number of people’s actions globally around issues as diverse as anti-corruption, pro-democracy and social and economic justice; including movements for decent work and universal social protection, including the protection and strengthening of public services especially health, water, education and housing and land rights and protection of the commons.

The social organisations and movements involved in the Asia Europe People’s Forum have continued to prioritise this people’s solidarity against poverty for sustainable development.

The Economic, Social and Fiscal Crises in Europe

2011 witnessed the implementation of some of the most comprehensive structural changes in the European Union since the Lisbon Treaty, greatly affecting European people’s employment, access to public services and social security. Labour market policies are being altered to favour more flexibility and lower wages, and austerity measures are being institutionalized through mandatory limits on public spending. There are linked pressures for the greater privatisation of essential public services including health and education. This is leading to cuts in public services central to European citizens’ lives and livelihoods. Such dramatic changes have been advanced swiftly in an attempt to ‘save or stabilize’ the Eurozone.

As the race to save the euro continues, all EU members, except the UK and the Czech Republic, have signed a Fiscal Treaty which will give a major role to the EC in member states’ fiscal and economic policies. The euro crisis has set the European Union on course for a new model of ‘economic governance’ that puts the European Commission in a position to check and correct member states’ fiscal and economic policies before they are discussed in national parliaments. The change of the norms and rules on which the European Union rests will deeply influence the inter-relationship of the EU with the rest of the world.

It will be vital for citizens in countries outside the European Union to be aware of these changes, assess how they may change the European Union’s relationship with other regional groupings such as ASEAN and ASEM and assess whether the economic, social and financial crisis in Europe will change the resource procurement, investment and marketing strategies and priorities of European based companies, particularly with respect to ASEM member countries from Asia.

Food Sovereignty and the Food Crisis for Citizens in ASEM Member Countries from Asia

For many citizens across Asia, one key challenge for poverty reduction has been the significant increase in food prices over the last five years. For many this had led to problems of access to food. The changes in the financing of food production and the financialisation of food markets at national and international levels have led to distortions in markets for key foods, which have also contributed to increases in price for consumers.

A linked pressure has been from the emerging effects of the liberalisation of trade and investment, often as result of agreed inter-regional, country to region and country to country trade and investment agreements. This is having cumulative, negative effects on food sovereignty and food security for a growing number of communities and countries.

The ‘global land grab’ has captured worldwide attention in recent years with a focus on the explosion of commercial land transactions, land speculation and subsequent dispossession of rural communities, fuelled mainly, but not solely, by the large-scale production and export of food and agro-fuels. Alarm is now also growing that a ‘global water grab’ is under way, with water increasingly described as the next big commodity, a ‘blue gold’’, sought after by states and investors worldwide. Water has become a new object of appropriation at the heart of a range of environmental, energy, food, and development concerns. These trends in land and water grabbing by a variety of means are very visible in a number of Asian ASEM member countries.

Climate Crisis and Sustainable Energy Policies

Parallel to these pressures have been drives across Asia and Europe to increase energy production to support economic development and growth. Several developing countries in Asia and Europe have placed an emphasis on supply side energy planning and as a result they are investing in capital intensive energy production, including production from life-threatening and ecologically destructive sources such as big hydropower, nuclear power or coal and gas-fired power plants. In contrast, through energy saving, energy efficiency practices and demand side management it would be possible to address energy needs, decreasing the requirements for increased energy production. Some approaches to energy production, especially coal and gas fired power plants, are contributing to increases in greenhouse gases which are contributing to negative aspects of climate change. Key issues of environmental sustainability have dominated national and international agendas post-Kyoto. ASEM has held a range of discussions on these issues and the AEPF9 is committed to anchoring these discussions in the daily pressures faced by citizens and commitments to sustainable and environmentally sensitive economic development. These discussions will take place in the aftermath of the Durban Summit on Climate Change and its limited outcomes and commitments.

For many poor countries, addressing the climate crisis is even a matter of life and death or basic survival. Development policies, including energy policies, have to consider not only their economic end, but more importantly how these would contribute to the realization of ecologically sustainable development.

There is great concern over the growing pressures to adopt a ‘Green Economy’ in response to the climate crisis. The Green Economy is an ambitious global project that seeks to de-link economic growth from environmental deterioration through three-dimensional capitalism that includes physical capital, human capital, and natural capital (rivers, wetlands, forests, coral reefs, biological diversity and other elements). For the Green Economy, the food crisis, the climate crisis and the energy crisis share a common characteristic: the failed allocation of capital. As a result, the Green Economy treats nature as capital; ‘natural capital’. Deeper still is the inability of our education system and practices to evoke positive emotions, such as caring and compassion. Instead it is encouraging new generations to become self-centred, contributing to over-consumption and senseless mass production. The Green Economy considers it essential to put a price on the ‘free’ services that plants, animals and ecosystems offer to humanity in order to ‘sustainably manage’ biodiversity, water purification, pollination of plants, the protection of coral reefs and regulation of the climate. For the Green Economy, it is necessary to identify the specific functions of ecosystems and biodiversity and assign them a monetary value, evaluate their current status, set a limit after which they will cease to provide services, and concretise in economic terms the cost of their conservation in order to develop a market for each particular environmental service. For the Green Economy, the instruments of the market are powerful tools for managing the ‘economic invisibility of nature’. The discussions in AEPF 9 will look beyond the veneer of false hope being generated by green growth and the green economy and will look at real alternatives needed to bring about the necessary decrease in global greenhouse gas emissions.

Sustainable Growth and Governance

The current economic, ecological and social crises, and the international governance responses to these, are providing opportunities and imperatives to develop multi-lateral and multi-faceted solutions based on new approaches and principles. The AEPF is concerned that despite this and the pressing need for action that will ensure social justice, human rights and equitable and sustainable growth across the two regions, the agenda and decisions at the ASEM will remain dominated by narrow national and financial interests. AEPF9 will develop ‘People’s Visions’ that will be presented to ASEM and its member states that will provide recommendations for policies and practices that can enable more pro-people, inclusive and sustainable development.

Objectives of AEPF9

AEPF9 seeks to learn from and build on the discourses and recommendations of previous AEPFs and to ensure that the global experiences of people’s forums from around the world inform and shape the AEPF9 agenda. It will take a more integrated and holistic approach to development, which includes people’s well-being at all levels. It is critical that AEPF9 is undertaken in the context of key regional and international fora including the ASEAN People’s Forum and the 4th High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness in Busan and that AEPF9 process supports national civil society initiatives to meet commitments outlined at these levels.

This mutual understanding will ensure that the event is held in an environment that encourages learning, reflection and sees diversity in opinion as a strength that will lead to people’s solidarity for sustainable development globally. Solidarity is important at the national, regional and international level given the interconnectedness of the world. It stresses harmony, compassion and understanding, whilst recognising strength in diversity and the role diversity plays in strengthening solidarity.

The AEPF9 seeks to reflect and understand the current historical juncture, be able to build and promote a People’s Vision that defines sustainable development from the people’s perspective, and to strengthen people’s solidarity at national, regional and international levels.

Specific Objectives

AEPF9 cannot be viewed as a single event but as an integrated process:

Preparatory stage; ensuring that the AEPF9 agenda is driven by the people and provides space for broad engagement nationally, regionally and internationally in ways that provide ownership of the agenda by the people.

During the AEPF9; encouraging dialogue to look beyond economic-only factors in the creation of a shared understanding of sustainable development and policies and practice to make this a reality. Developing a shared understanding of solidarity and what it means for people, identifying where and how civil society organisations and social movements can play a role in bridging gaps between policy and action and preparing a strong, unified, representative and inclusive statement to ASEM from the people.

Following Up from the AEPF9; ensuring that civil society and governments are accountable to their commitments made at the AEPF and ASEM, sustaining mutually beneficial dialogue, learning and exchange between civil society and social movements nationally, regionally and internationally that link to relevant people’s agendas and form a platform for AEPF10.

Building and Promoting Asia-Europe People’s Visions

With ASEM9 coming in the midst of current social and economic crises, the AEPF provides a unique opportunity to assess how responses to the crisis have affected the lives and livelihoods of citizens in Asia and Europe and to articulate the policy solutions being voiced by civil society from across both regions.

AEPF is committed to working for a more just and equal world. In order to progress towards this reality, and to take forward the commitments expressed in the AEPF9 title, AEPF will be working to deepen knowledge, hold discussions and develop recommendations on four themes which represent what it would like to see as a living reality for the citizens of the ASEM member countries and the communities that they live in.

These themes are:

  • Universal Social Protection and access to Essential Services;
  • Food Sovereignty and Sustainable Land and Natural Resource Management;
  • Sustainable Energy Production and Use; and
  • Just Work and Sustainable Livelihoods.

Building on preceding People’s Forums, there is recognition that there are cross-cutting issues or mechanisms that different approaches to can either contribute to or hinder progress towards the achievement of these themes. Specifically, these cross-cutting issues on trade and investment, including Free Trade Agreements; revenue and tax policies and practice; climate policies; holistic and relevant education; and peace and security programmes, all of which it is hoped will be integrated into the reflections, discussions and recommendations emerging from AEPF9.

The Thematic Workshops are an important part of the People’s Forum, providing an informing context and background to the workshops, open spaces, roundtables and other events, as well as potentially being an important contribution to the Final Declaration of AEPF9. To enable a broad and rich process before the People’s Forum itself, there will be a series of inter-locking activities and processes across Asia and Europe that will contribute to an evolving draft of People’s Visions for each theme. The outcomes of these processes will be brought together as contributions to the Final Declaration of AEPF9.

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15 years of the Asia-Europe People’s Forum

15 years of the Asia-Europe People’s Forum

February 9, 2012

A review and reflection with recommendations for strengthening for the future

There has been a clear affirmation by the vast majority of the people who have contributed to the review that AEPF is both a relevant network and that it has unfulfilled potential. In the context of the continuing social and economic injustices that deprive millions of women and men across Asia of their rights and the growing social and economic exclusion of millions in Europe and the role of the ASEM member states in perpetuating this situation through their financial, economic and social policies and practice, there is a great need to both strengthen and give focus to the campaigns and lobbying of the movements and networks involved in the AEPF.

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Key issues on the table at the 8th Asia Europe People’s Forum

Key issues on the table at the 8th Asia Europe People's Forum

October 10, 2010

Ben Hayes, Nick Buxton, Praful Bidwai, Susan George, Walden Bello
Source: tni.org

Ahead of the Asia Europe People’s Forum (AEPF) which coincides with the official ASEM8 summit this year in Brussels, four TNI scholar-activists – Susan George, Praful Bidwai, Ben Hayes and Walden Bello – discuss some of the key struggles facing citizens from both regions.

{edocs}http://www.tni.org/sites/www.tni.org/files/AEPF8_TNI_booklet.pdf,650,500{/edocs}

The title of the 8th Asia Europe People’s Forum ‘Challenging Corporate Power, Building States of Citizens for Citizens’ highlights the worrying lack of democratic accountability that characterises both the EU and the nature of its bi-regional relations around the world. Led by neoliberal free market ideology, the EU’s plans for “Global Europe” have far-reaching implications for people in both regions, meanwhile their voices remain consistently excluded from official forums. In this booklet four scholar activists look toward ASEM8 and the alternative/inclusive AEPF8, and consider some of the major issues that will be on the agenda for discussion: the ongoing crisis of neoliberal capitalism, democracy, evolving security regimes, the environmental crisis and poverty.

Contents:

  • Introduction
  • Susan George: European Union: most anti-democratic and neoliberal in history (read article online)
  • Praful Bidwai: Power without responsibility? The rise of China and India (read article online)
  • Ben Hayes: The EU Security-industrial Complex (read article online)
  • Walden Bello: Class and conflict: tensions at the heart of Asia and Europe (read article online)
  • About TNI, Contact details
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Summary Report of The 8th Asia Europe People’s Forum

Summary Report of The 8th Asia Europe People's Forum

October 9, 2010

From 4-5th October 2010, heads of state and governments from across Asia and Europe met in Brussels for the eighth Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM8) to discuss their future priorities and plans. From 2-5th October around 600 civil society, NGO and people’s organisations representatives, activists and parliamentarians from across Asia and Europe, met in Brussels for the 8th Asia Europe People’s Forum (AEPF).

The de-privatisation and reclaiming of the commons in many different ways – nature, knowledge, information, political participation – is critical. If this stays in the hands of individuals, corporations or as financial commodities – then they fall outside the realm of democratic control and participation. This is an approach that can help us to link together the struggles in the North and South.

Nicola Bullard, Focus on the Global South
Another world is possible and is also happening – we need to be inspired, committed and to work for the change we are all fighting for.
Andy Rutherford, One World Action

AEPF is a strategic civil society gathering of Asian and European social movements fighting poverty and inequality and working for social justice. AEPF began in 1996 in Bangkok, in parallel, and in response to the first ASEM summit which pushed for stronger regional blocs and the promotion of corporate power. AEPF is grounded in the common desire of people’s organisations and social justice networks across Asia and Europe to open up new venues for dialogue, solidarity and action.

AEPF8 was a week of discussions, dialogues, strategy sessions and actions focussed on corporate power in relation to food, climate, trade, decent work and governance.

2nd October – Institut des Hautes Etudes des Communications Sociales (IHECS)
First Plenary

Asia-Europe relations in a changing global context – the impact of the crisis in Asia and Europe and changing contexts, realities, and relations between Asia and Europe

Speakers: MP Walden Bello (Philippines), John Hillary (War on Want), Marica Frangakis (Attac Greece)
Moderator: Fiona Dove (TNI)

Welcome – Nicolas Van Nuffel, CNCD – Economic, climatic and food crises have deepened and now over a billion people in the world suffer from hunger. However faced with multiple crises our leaders have had one obsession – economic growth, cuts and trade, trade and trade. But citizens have not remained inactive – millions have protested to denounce the policies of our governments and three days ago 100,000 people marched in Brussels to protest against the cuts. In Copenhagen thousands mobilised behind the slogan, ‘Change the system not the climate.’ The AEPF is an opportunity not only to meet, to exchange views and to strengthen our ties – but to build an Asian and European regional civil society to challenge and influence governments and regional institutions.

Fiona Dove, TNI – This is the fourteenth year that we, as civil society have been watching and following ASEM, developing common agendas, statements and actions. This session will explore and debate the history, dynamics and opportunities of current Asia-Europe relations.

Walden Bello – Our historical relationships, regional dynamics and interests have been shaped by perceived opportunities for economic growth and trade. The response to the current crisis has been for the European Union to investigate how it can take advantage of Asia in order to pull itself out of the crisis. There have been very few structures created across state lines to support Asia-Europe dialogue. ASEM is a talk shop – it has done very little with few processes and virtually no institutionalised structures within it. Filipino President Noynoy Aquino had no problem in saying he wasn’t coming to ASEM, especially after meeting with Obama. We find that Washington matters much more than Brussels in the Asia-Pacific region.

John Hillary – I want to give an overview of how Europe is looking to Asia. There is now the perception of Europe in Asia is as an inferior economy, a junior power. The statements coming out of Europe in relation to ASEM or Asia echo this – they are almost like an apology – We used to enjoy supremacy but now we are in long term decline etc. So the twenty first century will be multi-polar veering towards Asia-centric. The leaders in Europe see Asia as both a threat and an opportunity. They are following an explicitly corporate agenda and so everything they are saying is in the interests of corporations and capital. Due to a decline in other places European companies see Asian markets as their most important salvation and escape clause. The EU is almost entirely dependent (90%) on energy imports – they lack the huge quantities of natural resources, minerals and metals needed and therefore European companies are desperate to keep access open to Asia.

If the world is now locked into global competition then EU companies will find it more and more difficult to compete. There is a profound self doubt in the heart of the EU’s relations with Asia – they now have none of the agricultural or manufacturing strength (e.g. recent death of German car manufacturing due to competition from Korean manufacturers). Even in services, such a key sector previously, making up 75% of economies and employment – we now recognise that Europe can not compete in the longer term. So Europe is now a very junior and nervous player.

ASEM is no more than a talking shop but from the European side they still see it as important because of the issue of political will. There will be discussions on FTA, investment, technical dialogue etc but the point of ASEM is to have political discussions at the highest level to keep EU in touch with Asia – which is why it is still given importance.

Marica Frangakis – The financial sectors are now heavily integrated which is why the crisis hit in the developed countries. India/China and other emerging economies are improving and were never as badly hit as in the EU/US. The crisis started in the US and very quickly it spread to EU with recession and deflation leading to a slump and the associated poverty, inequality, social discontent, wage decreases etc

The Greek people are now living it and Greece was a trigger – per capita income is now amongst the lowest in Europe – pensions are low, poverty is increasing. The trade imbalances between North and South Europe are similar to the dynamics between Asia and Europe. There is a deficit in the public budget and the state is vulnerable to pressures from financial markets and is trying to find new ways to cover the deficit – borrowing, printing money, raising taxes etc Printing money is what Japan and the US are doing now but the EU countries can’t do this because they are locked into the Euro and this threatens the stability and existence of the Euro.

Global Europe’s trade strategy aims to open up Asian markets to force new opportunities for European companies and is an explicit and aggressive statement towards this aim. The theme of EU trade relations for the last four years has been about government contracts, accessing natural resources and freeing companies from regulations- and at the moment the EU is preparing its new trade strategy, again focussing on Asia as its primary target. At the same time as trying to force external liberalisation it must also force more liberalisation internally – and the harmonisation of standards – reducing them so there are no obstacles to business. There is a change now in terms of the crisis. Every country is in deficit – a hundred billion pounds is being spent on nuclear programmes whilst governments tell schools and hospitals they don’t have enough money to run. For the first time in the last 15-20 years the people of Europe are waking up to the fact that the model of global capitalism which they have been told has been so beneficial is being questioned, in terms of peoples lives – the economy and financialisation of the economy has turned against them and been damaging.

There is 9.7-10% unemployment rate in US with no sign of improvement and this is a very dangerous position. If there is some significant growth in Asian economies then there is some hope for stimulus – but any major structural reforms to raise domestic consumption have not been taken in China because the leadership are still waiting for a recovery in the West. So we will also see stagnation in Asian economies soon – so this is quite an unusual situation and the liberalisation of speculative capital is part and parcel of this crisis.

The situation in Greece and Southern European countries is similar to the crisis in Indonesia and Thailand which was caused by rigid Structural Adjustment Programmes – squeezing economies in order to pay off the banks. Structural Adjustment Programmes have migrated and are now coming full force now to Europe – this is a globalised world in crisis.

Debt has been caused by structural reasons and the high spend on military. An indirect taxation on goods and services is very regressive and so we have high expenditure and unequal distribution of taxation. Austerity is institutionalised now across Europe and we need global financial reform and public banking.

John Hillary – We need to see this time as an opportunity to promote an ideological revolution. Governments are using a language of cuts and austerity which completely undermines the model of European social justice. All around – privatisation, liberalisation etc – are all going in one strong direction and being rolled out across country after country. We are now seeing the lived reality of crisis and need to take advantage of growing disillusionment. In the UK the majority of people agreed with cuts but now that has shifted because as people realise its their reality, their local services, schools, hospitals – they are turning against them – and that is where the politics comes in – to build an alternative movement of resistance. Not to think that elites are going to change their minds but building a movement and different groups to stand together. If we can bring a broad mass of people and link with Latin America, Africa and Asia then we have a broader resistance to the model as a whole.

The G20 can directly influence global economic governance through soft power – for example the IMF which was revived by the G20. The WTO is in terminal decline but has again revived, so the G20 is an important focus for us. We need the G192 as alternative to the G20 which is an unaccountable, untransparent and illegitimate body ruling the word.

Second Plenary
Corporate Capture of our Lives and Governments: Consequences and Impacts of the Consolidation of Corporate Power on the People of Asia and Europe

Speakers: Climate: Praful Bidwai (TNI Fellow), Trade: MP Charles Santiago (MSN), Food: Tom Lines (Researcher), Decent Work: James Howard (ITUC)
Moderator: Dorothy Guerrero (Focus on the Global South)

Tom Lines
Clearly bound up with the financial crisis has been the crisis of the food sector. What are the linkages between these two elements? What has happened with the food sector and the way food commodities are now traded is new and has massive implications for issues of corporate control. In addition we also need to look at these three sectors – Food Processing Companies, Supermarkets and Agricultural Trade.

During the wheat market crisis in 2007/2008 the price shot up to levels not seen in real terms since the 1970s however these markets settled down and by June the price had fallen to its price in 2005 price. A lot more wheat was grown and therefore the stocks recovered. However this year there was no real reason for wheat prices to suddenly explode as they did – there was a shortage in Russia, Europe and the Ukraine but that did not justify a 60% increase in wheat prices in a matter of weeks because wheat is being grown elsewhere in the US and Australia.

The price of maize and export crops for the Global South like cotton, cocoa etc have had very big price fluctuations. What we have also seen recover is the profits of the global investment banks which were at the source of the crisis two or three years ago. Why have these happened and where are the linkages?

Over last ten years it was shown to be dangerous to put all your money in shares and so the doctrine was to diversify and one of the areas to diversify into was commodities. Particularly over the last 5 years there was a lot of propaganda from investment analysts saying, ‘Well if you put your money in a range of commodities then their prices do not move at the same time as other assets. With economic cycle share prices, property prices go up and then fall at the end of the business cycle – but commodity prices are not correlated with this – so they have different rhythms.’

Goldman Sachs played a major role in 3 ways:

  • Their analysts did a hard sell on this commodities super cycle and although you only make money if the price rises and if you buy shares or bonds then you get dividends/interest. Commodities had been falling so how did they encourage people to do this despite these two off putting factors? By saying things had changed – China and India were buying a lot of oil and other goods such as iron ore/copper etc and markets had changed forever because of rise of East Asia but it was very generalised and misleading to say that all commodities will rise.
  • As well as their main speculators it was also their market analysts who were pushing hard that the oil price would rise and this shows the power of corporate propaganda.
  • They also enabled their investors to put money in a range of commodities through Index Funds. Therefore trading on the commodity markets dramatically increased. For example trading increased ten times on the London Metals Exchange and Chicago Maize Futures rose from around $500,000 in 2003 to $2.5 million 5 years later.

Commodities were not due for such a massive increase in prices, this came on the back of the change in the markets. In 2008 investors saw that with the beginning of crisis that share prices were weakening, property markets collapsed and they wanted to go somewhere else. They all piled into commodities and they were being advised to do so. What problems arose from this?

The crises were collated – the biggest commodity price collapse was in 2008 as people pulled out their money to put it somewhere else. Markets used to be operated for trading purposes and the banks played the role of banks. They lent money and gave deposits however now they are completely dominated by a few investment banks and the consequences are four fold:

  1. Now prices are more volatile – without any justification in supply and demand
  2. Huge impact on poor people in rural and urban areas who have to buy their food with low incomes
  3. Investors have been swindled – they haven’t got what they were promised by the propaganda.
  4. Futures markets where prices are set have been financialised, dominated and controlled by the banks.

Praful Bidwai
Climate Change is a story of no saints, no heroes and lots of victims. It is the largest crisis facing humanity and we are at a tipping point where afterwards any action will make no difference. Scientists told us that the maximum level of warming that the earth can tolerate is 2 degrees over pre-industrial levels – 450 parts per million of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. But since then understanding has dramatically increased about the impact that positive feedback will have which will lead to indirect warming happens. So for example when glaciers melt rapidly the snow cover decreases so sunlight is no longer reflected back and is absorbed as heat. So they are now saying that 2 degrees is far too high and that the present levels of 380 parts per million has to be brought back down to around 350 parts. This will need extremely co-ordinated, progressive and drastic measures to be taken by those historically responsible but also action from emerging economies.

We are already seeing in India drastic droughts and then flooding in arid areas a loss of diversity, habitats, and changes in composition. For example apples which you can only grow in fertile areas are now being cultivated much higher up. Increased humidity is also leading to increases in malaria. The current damage from climate change on the South is estimated to be around $150-350 billion and total net aid flows is around $50 billion.

Trying to negotiate a series of negotiations where the North has resisted attempts to acknowledge responsibility. The world only has one agreement which is legally enforceable, Kyoto which only came into effect in 2005 – this is a band aid and very minimal cuts of 5% by 2012 in relation to 1990 emissions. At this rate the world would need around 30 protocols to stabilise and even these targets are not being met.

Kyoto also allows carbon quota trading and offsets so that emissions are not being cut. You can buy credits in the South on the presumption that certain projects financed by this money will help adaptation. However carbon trading is based on completely the wrong presumptions and is completely swindling the public. It has created huge interest in the Global South to trade in carbon – so in the next round of negotiations these market solutions will be even more important and this is one of the most profound influences of corporate power. They are creating a speculative market in carbon to which the world will be held hostage. So you can trade in a future carbon credit and carbon quotas. In 2008 the price of carbon collapsed and solutions have to be far more radical than market solutions or techno-fixes.

We thought Copenhagen would lead to dramatic, legally enforceable targets and a strong commitment to finance developing countries for mitigation and adaptation but a tiny fraction of what is needed was promised. This is also being controlled by IMF, WB etc. There were no targets, no enforceable cuts – just a free for all. Instead of stabilising the concentrations, carbon will increase as a result of Copenhagen and it is now estimated that temperatures will rise by 4c which will devastate the world.

The Copenhagen Accord has no UN stature, is not legally binding and has set a terrible precedent – in Cancun now no one expects dramatic results. Corporates have played a particularly nasty role in derailing negotiations. We need new sources of energy and none will be possible under existing regimes of intellectual property. In the same way that HIV vaccines were exceptions in trade agreements we need the same for energy technologies.

Charles Santiago
The question we need to ask is: Do Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) promote trade and growth or are FTAs about promoting investor rights and the control of trade?

As an MP my task is to uphold the Constitution of my country – however I am being prevented from doing this. I want to argue that what we are now seeing is companies writing a new Constitution that we have no control of through illustrating 3 illogical arguments:

1. The China/ASEAN FTA
Malaysia, Philippines and others were jumping over backwards to negotiate for market access to China, and China also wanted to access South East Asia. The FTA began on Jan 1st 2010. However in January, February and March the business communities of Malaysia and Indonesia said, ‘Stop this FTA because we are losing market access in our own countries and many small industries are closing.’ In Malaysia they called on their government to reduce the level of commitment made to China. So the mantra was market access, profitability and free trade but when it finally started happening, the weaker guy tried to stop it.

2. The Definition of Trade
What is trade? The production and distribution of goods and services. In Thailand in 2006/2007 they exported 45.2% of electrical products made to the US and imported X% of electrical products from the US.
Why do you need a FTA to regulate this – to ensure investor rights?

3. Rate of return on investments. The US Department of Commerce recently produced statistics on the rate of return for Asian countries in US markets. The stats showed that it made no difference who had an FTA with America, and in fact Singapore who had an FTA had lowest rate at 0.4%. FTAs are supposed to proved preferential access but this doesn’t happen.

Global Competitiveness
Why is Europe turning to Asia? Because of the investment opportunities for European Multi-National Corporations (MNCs), market access and to ensure European MNCs are not beaten by US and Asian companies. Europe is now doing everything to encourage a pro-business environment and to challenge and influence policies that are barriers to trade. The European ‘Towards a New Asia Strategy’ explicitly states that Europe will – ‘pursue all actions necessary to ensure open markets and non-discriminatory practices towards European businesses.’

What will this require? liberalisation, regulatory changes, convergence and harmonisation.

What does ASEAN want? Free movement of goods, services, skilled labour and capital. So in fact the interests of European and Asian Governments are now one and the same.

It was recently the 43rd anniversary of ASEAN – the title of the event was bridging markets and connecting people. This is testimony to their efforts in integrating markets through FTAs.

ASEAN has said that, ‘National and regional interests are one and the same. We need to accelerate regional integration, harmonise national interests with that of the region.’ So they are pushing liberalisation and integration and pushing towards a particular kind of convergence – to liberalise, harmonise and integrate, through neo-liberal principles.

FTAs are negotiated on the promise of reciprocity – where similar levels of obligation are expected. However this equal treatment of parties is likely to result in unequal outcomes thus exacerbating existing asymmetries between people and nations. The older FTAs in Latin America and Africa clearly demonstrate that all gains have gone to TNCs and local elites, whilst people are left with poverty, loss of livelihoods, water, jobs etc.

FTAs are not about controlling trade but promoting investor rights and a new constitution is being written – a new integration policy that we have no say, or control over. Our parliaments are happily signing onto them – and signing our interests over to business and profits.

James Howard
The ITUC represents 176 million workers and has members in most countries of ASEM. Currently there are 220 million people unemployed, 34 due to the crisis. The decent work deficit is likely to worsen due to millions of younger people joining workforce each year. Before the crisis we already had an unacceptable level of unemployment, insecurity and poverty – precarious work and food insecurity. So even if we could get back to a pre-crisis situation it would not be acceptable. OECD/UNCTAD etc are all saying reactions and policy responses are inadequate, but governments are not responding, they are just cutting and slashing jobs. Why? Due to collective pessimism where no one taking action, particularly the G20. This is leading to depression, anger, acceptance and denial.

We need alternatives – what could the world be like if we didn’t accept the economy we have? There are 6 ways in which world economy needs to be changed:

  • Maintain and withstand economic stimulus programmes.
  • Establish and increase social spending and social protection for everyone – it is affordable and would generate spending as poor people use extra income.
  • Invest in skills and training – particularly for young unemployed to prevent lost generations and to generate future growth.
  • Address climate change – move towards carbon neutral/low carbon economy and make necessary changes in transport and agriculture.
  • Regulate the financial sector and return it to its original purpose of channelling savings to investments. Introduce a financial transaction tax and the G20 should do more.
  • Strong global governance appropriate to the degree of integration within the global economic system to deliver protection to every human in the world. Look at how the G20 works – what would a world economic social and environmental Security Council look like? Elections, rotation, representation etc

What can ASEM do on these issues? It is a talking shop but at a governmental level it could do a lot in these areas and channel funds from richer to poorer to address these basic challenges that the world faces.

Discussion and Questions

  • How to stop hedge funds and banks expanding to Asia?
  • Even the CEOs of big companies have no idea how the system works – all they care about is profits – how they do it is a secondary issue. There is a need to regulate finance structures and banks must go back to their original role of banking, and banking alone not lending to other banks, and financial engineering – they should lose their licenses if they go beyond this remit. They are now using every possible opportunity to collateralise debt for example.
  • Income distribution – people are borrowing money to support middle class lifestyles in the US – so the problem is not just financial instruments, lack of regulation etc but capital-labour relationships. So core is income distribution.
  • Global agricultural crisis – in Europe farmers are not able to make enough money to survive and younger people not going into farming because it is not profitable and such hard work. Who is getting the money out of food along the supply chain? The middle man and so we need to get back to farming that is done locally – seeds, varieties, breeds – suited to local needs.
  • So many people are in precarious work – we need to reduce contract labour (no more than 20% employees on contract basis). What can unions and progressive forces in different countries do to stop the erosion of rights?
  • One way to increase support for climate cuts is to give people confidence that where they face job cuts that there is public support for investment in alternatives and training. No government has done proper employment assessment into the employment impacts of climate change adaptation.
  • Severity of agrarian crisis in India – 200,000 farmers have committed suicide in last 20 years and this is continuing. We need to find alternative ways of cutting carbon while supporting poor people’s livelihoods – whether in Bangladesh, Belgium or Rajasthan.

Workshops on the Four Major Themes – Space for more detailed discussions of strategies and alternatives to the problems outlined in the morning sessions.

TRADE AND INVESTMENT
Speakers: Marc Maes (11.11.11), Ranja Sengupta (Third World Network), Joseph Purugganan (EU-ASEAN FTA Campaign), Ryu Mikyung (KCTU), Seely Ashley (ITGLWF) Moderator: Cecilia Olivet (TNI)

DECENT WORK, DECENT LIFE FOR ALL
Speakers: PART 1 Georgis Altinzis (ITUC), Sri Wulandari (AMRC); PART 2: Dwight Justice (ITUC), Bismo Sanyoto (World Solidarity), Anannya Bhattacharjee (Asia Floor Wage Alliance), Cristine Ebro (Network on Transformative Social Protection) Moderator: Gareth Richards (Journalist)

FOOD SOVEREIGNTY
Speakers: Uwe Hoering (policy analyst), David Pred & Seng Sohkeng (Bridges Across Borders Cambodia), Fathima Burnad (Natesan), Mae Azhar (La Via Campesina) Moderator: Thierry Kesteloot (Oxfam Solidarity)

CLIMATE CHANGE
Speakers: Fabby Tumiwa (Institute for Essential Services Reform, Indonesia, Ms. Jutta Kill
(FERN, tbc), Nizamuddin Nizamani, Lidy Nacpil (Jubilee South Asia) Nicola Bullard (Focus on the Global South) Moderator: Dorothy Guerrero (Focus on the Global South)

BRUSSELS NIGHT – The world in crises and alternative pathways

Analysts and commentators from around the world discussed with AEPF participants the multiple-crisis and ways out from the current failing development models.

Speakers: Francois Houtart (Cetri), MP Walden Bello, Achin Vanaik (Delhi University), Marica Frangakis (Attac Greece) Moderators: Tran Dac Loi (VPDF), Fiona Dove (TNI)

2nd October – Institut des Hautes Etudes des Communications Sociales (IHECS)

Open Space Events

EU/Asian Free trade agreements: resistance and alternatives (Part 1)
Org: EU-ASEAN FTA Campaign, Seattle to Brussels Network, Focus on the Global South, WIDE, CEO, TNI

Extractives Industry, Climate Change and Indigenous Peoples: Discussions and Responses from Civil Society
Org: Revenue Watch-Philippines, CAFOD, Philippinenbeuru, Publish What You Pay, Christian Aid, 11.11.11, Alyansa Tigil Mina (ATM)

Upholding Peoples’ Food Sovereignty: Issues for Asia and Europe
Org: People’s Coalition on Food Sovereignty

Struggling for Climate Justice: concrete steps and strategies on climate and finance
Org: Ecologistas en Acción, Jubilee South, PRRM

Trade Unions and Development Effectiveness
Org: International Trade Union Confederation

North-South Solidarity
Org: South-South People’s Solidarity Network, Action Aid, Rosa Luxembourg Foundation, Vietnam Peace and Development Foundation, Institute for Popular Democracy

Asia Floor Wage: Stitching a living wage across Asia
Org: Asia Floor Wage Alliance

Migrant Worker Rights Promotion & Protection: A Global Responsibility
Org: Clean Clothes Campaign International Secretariat +Network of Action for Migrants, Committee for Asian Women

Decent Work for Domestic Workers: Campaign Strategies for a strong rights based ILO Convention
Org: Migrant Forum in Asia, TNI, Task Force on ASEAN Migrant workers

People, Politics, and Poverty: Need for an alternative development paradigm
Org: LDC Watch, South Asia Alliance for Poverty Eradication

Religious diversity, secularism, citizenship and democracy
Org: Centre Lebret-IRFED + Bandung Spirit Network + Pax Romana ICMICA

EU/Asian Free trade agreements: resistance and alternatives (Part 2)
Org: EU-ASEAN FTA Campaign, Seattle to Brussels Network, Focus on the Global South, WIDE, CEO, TNI

Transform the System: Illegitimate Debt and SDR Finance
Org: Jubilee South, CADTM, Eurodad, 11.11.11

Getting Rid of the Weapons of Mass Destruction
Org: AEPF Finland, Peace Union, No to Bases, Vietnam Association for the Victims of Agent Orange

From Copenhagen to Cancun: Pathways for a People’s Protocol on Climate Change
Org: Peoples Movement on Climate Change

How to guarantee Decent Work for the workers employed in interim, short-term contracts?
Org: World Solidarity – ACV/CSC

Right to the City and Strategising on Transformative Social Protection
Org: Network for Transformative Social Protection, People’s Empowerment Foundation

The Urgent Appeal system of the Clean Clothes Campaign
Org: Clean Clothes Campaign

EU-ASEAN FTA: Its impact on the people’s health
Org: Platform for Action on Health and Solidarity, IBON

People’s Global Action/GFMD in an era of Crises: Regional Consultative Process & New Challenges in Migration Policy Coherence
Org: Migrant Forum in Asia, TNI, Task Force on ASEAN Migrant workers

Civil society and upcoming electoral processes in Southeast Asia
Org: Euro-Burma Office, Burma Centrum Nederland, Asia House

Decent Work and Dalits: The case of the Manual Scavengers in South Asia

Org: Solidarité Dalits Belgique, IDSN, ICMICA, Pax Romana

Sunday Plenary

A Civil Society Message for ASEM – Discussion with Belgian Prime Minister Yves Leterme
Chair: Andy Rutherford, One World Action

How can we as activists across Asia and Europe can contribute towards a more just and equal world?

There is a democratic deficit and how can we close and influence it through stronger accountability and restructured political institutions? We have developed a statement that tries to be focussed as much as possible on corporate power – it does not include all our issues and struggles. It focuses on our recommendations and actions and how we can work together. This is the first time that ASEM have received our statement beforehand and they will also send us a written response – this is a first and shows some progress in addressing the democratic deficit.

Global crises have been at the core of our discussions as they will be at the core of yours and over the last few days we have linked this to the growing power of TNCs in relation to states and citizens – that is why we are asking for regulation and to fight inequalities – in addition to progressive taxation. Over a trillion dollars is lost each year from tax evasion whilst EU governments are adopting austerity measures. Structural Adjustment Programmes proved to be counter-productive and cyclical – how can ASEM strengthen financial regulation? How can Belgium Presidency push for the financial transaction tax?

Decent work is also linked to regulation – and we have seen increased pressure on salaries and erosion of safety nets. How can ASEM be a concrete place to counter the race to the bottom?

How ASEM can be a place of dialogue to strengthen and to ensure ASEM countries sign and implement ILO Conventions and Core Labour Standards – particularly 87 and 98.

PM Response – We believe that ASEM should not just be a meeting of governments but also of civil society and peoples organisations. We are grateful for this strong message and the signal it give to us and civil society – very important that it gets put forward so people see ASEM is not just about big money, big governments and economics but also about the ordinary people of 26 countries

We have to curb many of the negative trends that have been worsening throughout the last few years – we need to ensure economic growth benefits all. People have gradually achieved their social rights and we need to learn from each other on this – our social model has to be fought for – as it enables people here to take profits from economic progress, growth and globalisation.

We must cut our budgets and deficits but not in a way that damages our economic growth. Promotion of a good social model is key – not only from political decisions but in dialogue with trade unions and civil society representatives.

On the issue of financial regulation I am very glad that Belgium holding the Presidency and that for 50% of this time we can say that economic regulation is being tackled within the European Parliament – a European systematic body to fight against risk and this will make a difference. The earlier overwhelming power of the free market was very damaging.

At the G20 in Seoul we can also move this forward and we need new measures here to act against what happened two2 years ago and to give more voice to countries which are not yet represented in IMF.

There is a law (2003) in Belgium on a Tobin Tax based on the condition that other countries in the world would do the same. We are one of the 70 countries advocating for this tax both economically and politically – so we strongly support this tax and are one of the strongest advocates – so we will promote this at the opening address just like Sarkozy at the MDG summit. More countries are supporting this in Europe than Asia and we need to tackle these global issues on a global scale with global financing.

On the issue of decent Work a key factor is giving enough space and empowering trade unions and associations of workers in country. The history of Belgium shows improvement from the time when trade unions became active. So I am a strong believer in role of unions and of social dialogue and new architecture in ASEM. This will be one of the ideas I will promote tomorrow as well as social safety nets, corporate social responsibility and the abolition of child labour. We need to build up fundamental rights that are guaranteed in any country – including within FTAs.

Lidy Nacpil (Jubilee South Asia) – Access to food and water are fundamental rights and we are delighted that this has been recognised recently in the UN but there has been a diminishing of access to water due to the policies of Asia and Europe governments. Privatisation is being pursued by European countries, along with an export orientated agriculture model which is allowing speculation in staple food commodities.

PM Response – European integration began with the integration of coal and steel policies, followed by the Common Agricultural Policy which guaranteed food security and access at a fair price for both consumer and producer, in a sustainable way.
In the allocation of development aid by new emerging economies priority is being given to other domains (infrastructure, minerals, less human development related activities) and this needs to change.

I have always seen Bio fuels as a risk. Consumption of fuel in Belgium is very low and we always need to check the sustainability of where they are coming from.

Charles Santiago – There is a democratic deficit within trade policies that are being dictated by businesses – there is no access, secrecy on both sides, we don’t know what is being agreed or asked for. We are very worried about the detrimental impact that patents will have on access to medicines and affordable health care.

We need to recognise that trade is not the be all and end all but it’s a question of livelihoods, particularly for 70% of India’s people.

PM Response – Yes fully agree and we are very reluctant to abolish subsidies. Agriculture and food is not a product like a car or computer – I think we have the right as a continent to provide enough, good quality affordable food to our people through the CAP. You have to have a balance to lowering barriers to export to Europe but also I stand for a CAP as it is still very important in providing both fair prices for producers and consumers but we have exaggerated protectionism and we need to be careful of this in the next generation of FTAs that we are negotiating. The reality is that a lot of products are subject to trade in a totally free market situation.

On the content of FTAs we need transparency and good functioning democracy at a global level – good and timely information. In very important negotiations there was information and people were aware – for example in Belgium/Korea negotiations we were under a lot of pressure that this could damage our car industry. Farmers are aware of possible consequences and they do put pressure on us. But we need a better balance – so same can be done and shared in other countries. Trade discussions are not as transparent as aid discussions and there is a genuine request to see how that balance can be addressed.

Praful Bidwai – We are seeing market based solutions being promoted fairly recklessly and the EU has been dependent on particular forms of mechanisms (e.g. carbon trading). A tonne of carbon produced in Europe can not be treated the same as a tonne of carbon used in Asia in the future. Very generous permits being given to extractives and credits are being given to companies who are doing nothing for mitigation and adaptation. They are funding non-existent projects or projects that would have happened anyway.

The fear we have is that corporations are driving the agenda and promotion of market based solutions is derailing effective and sustainable agreements. What we saw at Copenhagen was a collusive agreement between five countries – if you go by these agreements then carbon will double and then temperatures will rise by 4c – this is being strongly driven by companies.

We need a complete transformation of production and consumption and not business as usual whilst looking for techno-fixes – the very same process that originally caused the problems.

The EU is now moving away from the multi-lateral agenda that was put together with such painstaking efforts and labour – it is being dismantled and this opens up a Pandora’s Box where you have a free for all and instead of legally binding, enforceable, well negotiated and researched agreements you have chaos and countries bargaining in separate groups.

PM Response – The EU has lived up to its commitments in terms of reducing CO2 emissions and providing structural financing for developing world adaptation. ASEM is not where we negotiate agreements but where we can generate good will and this issue will also be raised in the opening session tomorrow.

Climate change is raised in every bilateral meeting and it is sometime very difficult to convince people that we will have to be successful in Cancun – South Africa will soon have legally binding obligations. Europe takes and is ready to take its responsibility in meeting goals and in putting money on the table – we are advocating for legally binding agreements. We were frustrated that inappropriate tactics and strategies in Copenhagen led to Ministers leaving the room with our very generous position on the table. As donor countries we need to commit ourselves to specific agreements and contributions.

BRUSSELS NIGHT – The world in crises and alternative pathways

Analysts and commentators from around the world discussed with AEPF participants the multiple-crisis and ways out from the current failing development models.

Speakers: Samir Amin (WFA), Mr. Boris Kagalitsky (TNI), Pedro Paez (Former Minister of Economic Cooperation, Ecuador), Nicola Bullard (Focus on the Global South), MP Walden Bello (Philippines),

Moderators: Tran Dac Loi (VPDF), Fiona Dove (TNI)

Samir Amin
We need to choose strategic issues for our future campaigns – what image of transformation do we want to pursue? The challenge is whether or not people on this planet will look beyond capitalism and move to a new phase or will they move out of capitalism in crisis completely, so that we can move ahead on the long road to a transition from global capitalism to global socialism.

Capitalism is based on the dispossession of people on a massive and continuous scale – and always has been since 1500. The initiative for shaping this world was exclusively in the hands of the ruling classes of Atlantic-Europe. The people resisted but they had to adjust to the new system and simultaneously this system was made possible only by the possibility of a massive out migration from Europe, linked to the imperialist paradigm.

There were revolutions throughout the twentieth century announcing a change for the rights of the people, why? Because capitalism can’t be disassociated from imperialism, the system is based on imperialist ends which condition the reproduction of the condition both from the centres at the global level and periphery.

People are starting to question global unequal and deepening unequal relationships – questioning the imperialist dimension leads logically to questioning the capitalist dimension. The past crisis of capitalism led to WW II, the colonisation of Africa and depressions. However private property and the monopoly of capitalism was not questioned and so then nothing changed at the centre. Thus history is repeating itself and a second long crisis which started a century later in the 1970s again led to a crisis. In 1991 we predicted that this long crisis would lead to financial breakdown which then happened.

Where are we going now? A long period of chaos, wars, revolutions etc.

What is new? Attempt and strategy of military control over the planet by US and subordinate armies of NATO – maintaining an exclusive access to resources for reproducing the imperialist system. It can not be maintained except through this military control. The tools of control of the global system are over protection and the control of globalised financial and monetary system.

What is the solution? A global solution is a fallacy. When the problem is global then we first need to dismantle the global system. History does not move through wishful thinking and global consensus. There are power imbalances, struggles through war, revolutions, chaos etc before creating a new vision that will be better.

This is why I think that looking at global consensus is losing ground – the challenge is independent initiatives that support popular, dominated, and exploited classes from all regions. This has started already? But who is going to lead, control or use these initiatives in their own strategies.
We have seen this in Latin America and Nepal where power has been taken from below and from above. They are simultaneously contradictory and complimentary – they question the global order and so can potentially replace it. We need to remake the remake the twenty first century based on the internationalisation of the working classes.

Boris Kagalitsky
An era of wars and revolutions is what Stalin promised which is echoed by Samir. There are ways of globalisation and de-globalisation and one of the readings of this crisis is that it is the beginning of de-globalisation because capitalism is going this way. So what should be done by us as the global left, as social movements, as forces opposing the current paradigm?

We praise ourselves on great mobilisation – is this success? No, it is about winning and achieving goals. If you brought a lot of people together and didn’t win anything you have failed.

Just saying you want socialism is not going to work – we need a particular set of demands and general ideas about what our enemies consider to be the danger? Blackmailing societies with the threat of default, not being able to service debts etc This is exactly where we have to say yes! Cancel these debts, call for a global default as default is an excellent thing. Argentina was in a terrible crisis; it defaulted and then recovered because of it. Russia was the same in 1998. We have to fight for default – in Greece, Ireland and potentially the UK.

We can’t avoid protectionism – the liberals see this as evil by definition but it is not. Capitalists will bring in protectionist measures and be forced to do so, despite the WTO. But what type? What will we achieve through it? It is not about protecting capitalists but protecting societies. The market has created export orientated models – China, India, Russia, and Germany. Capitalism is not always based on cheap labour – at times there has been expensive labour backed by resources of the periphery. People are not cheap in the South – this is the struggle.

How can we mobilise resources? This is not the main problem – we can have an economy growing with limited resources but it needs specific industrial policies and an environmental growth model. We need democratic planning – to mobilise but not in a technocratic way – one that will allow us to move – not towards an old fashioned soviet style but a new democratic model based on new technologies. One that will accept and integrate new proposals and alternatives. If they can break our strategy into small pieces then it will break up and not be implemented comprehensively. We have to fight for our own logical and social/political change. For politics we need an agency – a party, movement or coalition – we don’t have it now but this is the task ahead for the current period.

Walden Bello
What now? We are in a long period of stagnation, the US has not recovered and the Chinese economy is export led. Elements of alternatives have been there for some time but how we can craft this into a credible political programme which will enable people to intervene on mass. The problem is not that the alternative doesn’t exist but it is the failure of political leadership to turn this into a viable political movement and programme. It might help us if we look at the experience of the Obama administration – this is vital because if there is a return to the right then it will have severe implications for us all.

Obama is part of the left in the US and his failure has been a spectacular collapse – he had broad based support and we had great hope in him. What showed here is that there is no such thing as objective determination. Why did it collapse?

He took responsibility for the crisis in contrast to Thatcher and Reagan who blamed the people before them. Propaganda thrust took him into major contradictions – he blamed the banks for creating the problem but also bailed them out of bankruptcy. This was his greatest loss of credibility. He brought out problems with neo-liberalism in his campaign but once in power he backed off. He relied on the left before and then on neo-liberal advisors afterwards. Whilst a social democrat he adopted a strategy of change that was principally technocratic and toned down the social aspects. He didn’t put social transformations at the cutting edge but just relied on the stimulus package to bring about a low unemployment economy with a respectable growth rate. This approach was not put within the context of a broader structural transformation programme. This was the perfect situation to offer a new approach to the neo-liberal model.

What could he have done?

  • Democratic decision making at all levels of the economy
  • Significant income and asset redistribution
  • Push for a more co-operative ethic in production, distribution and consumption rather than competitive.

A top down approach was accompanied by a failure to mobilise the mass base of the administration. He had a diverse (race, age, background) mass base in him coming to power but he allowed this to whither away relying instead on technocrats.

The Republicans adopted a hard line opposition – in contrast to his desire to reach compromise solutions. He tried to do away with a class conflict element and so the radical right used a popular base to capture the Republican Party. Political leadership is central – as well as defining the strategic direction.

Lessons?

  • In present crisis politics and affiliations tend to be volatile and unstable.
  • Need to move the people and inspire them.
  • Need to develop a transformatory political programme.
  • Politics is the art of creating a political movement out of diverse classes and forces.
  • Economic conditions and junctures may condition outcomes they do not determine them.
  • No objective determinism – need to use spaces, contradictions and unite to create a progressive, political mass.
  • Progressive politics – we need to engage in practical compromises but not in a strategic compromise with the elites (main failure of Obama was that he made a compromise with the neo-liberals).

Lessons?

  • In present crisis politics and affiliations tend to be volatile and unstable.
  • Need to move the people and inspire them.
  • Need to develop a transformatory political programme.
  • Politics is the art of creating a political movement out of diverse classes and forces.
  • Economic conditions and junctures may condition outcomes they do not determine them.
  • No objective determinism – need to use spaces, contradictions and unite to create a progressive, political mass.
  • Progressive politics – we need to engage in practical compromises but not in a strategic compromise with the elites (main failure of Obama was that he made a compromise with the neo-liberals).

Can change the President but not the system and therefore we can never expect substantial change.

Marica Frangakis (Attac Greece)
Greece is a politically sovereign state with a non-sovereign currency and therefore it can only finance itself through borrowing and taxation and has had to borrow with ever increasing interest rates. A bail out was arranged and it is now on a bloodline from the EU and IMF. What are the options?

To keep going, pay off creditors and carry on with what has been set by the IMF

We have been given till 2013 to bring back public debt and the deficit in relation to GDP with savage conditions attached, which translate into severe cuts in real and nominal wages and pensions. Prices are rising due to increases in taxation which is regressive. Unemployment and poverty are rising and we have the highest rates of poverty and inequality in Europe. These measures are deepening the recession and so they are going to make these problems worse. As GDP falls then the debt and deficit will rise so it becomes obvious that there will need to be an extension till 2020. The squeeze is so strong on Greek people that I can’t see them taking this for so long especially as it won’t have the right effect. People are paying for a crisis they are not responsible for.

Default – In this case Greece will have to leave the euro zone and find ways of financing the public deficit (expenditure, civil servant wages, pensions etc) and we import more than we export so we need to pay for this. The middle and upper class have sent money abroad and this will cause chaos and insecurity. The euro-zone will then go through a crisis (Spain, Portugal and Ireland) and it will create a lack of credibility and another type of crisis and chaos. We have had two fascist regimes – there is a rise in the right and divided left and we have had enough of this chaos.

To restructure our debt: To negotiate with creditors, reduce the amount we are going to pay and say I can’t pay so you may as well get some money. Give us time to get our house in order and breathing space. Reduce expenditure on armaments, introduce progressive taxation system, increase public expenditure on social protection etc

What would the left suggest? The second option but in fact the third is much better – we don’t have the luxury for debating for much longer. We need to change the architecture of the EU. If it doesn’t change it will collapse. There is no monetary or fiscal solidarity – it was built by Germany to serve their idea of how things should be run. We need a new political programme.

Pedro Paez (Former Minister of Economic Cooperation, Ecuador)
Behind all aspirations of goodwill, co-operation, multi-lateralism you have an iron fist of the imperialists. We need to deploy a planetary agenda to unlock the potential for people and not lead to wars and conflict. We have to understand the dialectics of the problem – not related to financial crisis but the loss of profit of the capitalist mode of production. In Latin America we are trying to formulate these new horizons – political and philosophical – learning from indigenous peoples. We have a responsibility to past and to the future. To get an idea of the velocity and ferocity of this crisis we have to follow clues.

The dislocation of private property is not a marginal issue – short selling something you do not own is a violation of the mechanisms of the market. Asphyxiating the market through over-production and accumulation – the problems are the markets as a universal compromise. Structural problems – there is no way out of this crisis within capitalism. The real business of profitability is war, conflict and more speculation. A huge process of resignation and acceptance and the alienation of human relations. People are saying that I’ve done nothing wrong and yet I am losing my job and the precarious job that I had. For 6 billion people this is massive and so political action from the progressive forces has to be reclaimed and is vital – building up a planetary projection of the democratic and participatory world we want to construct.

We need resources to challenge the authoritarian forces and unequal exchange. We need to recreate an autonomous programme to block out the Mafioso agenda. Not a linear left to right agenda but a totally new paradigm. Key to the progressive movement is to block the authoritarian agenda.

Nicola Bullard (Focus on the Global South),
We can talk about elements and principles but the world and its crises were not planned. Things unravel and evolve in ways that are very unpredictable and all we can do is to arm ourselves with orientation.

Another way to look at the crisis is a question of speed – the rate at which we produce and consume is incompatible with our social and natural capacity to reproduce our society and nature. The time it takes to look after children, gardens etc is not compatible with the rate of consumption and extraction – therefore relationships between production and consumption need to be recalibrated.

The limits of our society and nature need to be taken into account and the current system will always exclude vast populations. We need redistribution and dramatic change in how we do things – if we are to ensure well being for everyone – then there can’t be business as usual.

Where does political leadership come from? Where are the leaders? We need to look towards the international solidarity of the oppressed – this is where I would put my efforts. We need to be modest and self conscious about the role we have in this process – we have an important contribution to make but it needs to be done modestly. To see how we can support the process and make audible voices heard, and make invisible struggles visible. How can we use the privileged access we have to support the oppressed – how can we support this process of reimagination and emancipation, of self-realisation.

We need to understand how we see our role and engagement with these issues.

The de-privatisation and reclaiming of the commons in many different ways – nature, knowledge, information, political participation – is critical. If this stays in the hands of individuals, corporations or as financial commodities – then it falls outside the realm of democratic control and participation. This is an approach that can help us to link together the struggles in the north and south.

Let us not romanticise or idealise the struggles of Latin America – they are very volatile and we are looking at a very complex scenario however we need intellectual exchanges between Asia and Latin America.

Despite existing laws, regulations, standards and mechanisms, governments have failed to prioritise human rights, environmental security and labour rights, over the profits of companies. There has been a lack of political will in implementing regulation and establishing redress mechanisms for companies operating in, and beyond their territories.

October – Residence Palace

Policy Dialogues

TRADE
Speakers: Peter Berz, Deputy Head of Unit for relations with South Asia, Korea and ASEAN, MP Charles Santiago (MSN), Ranja Sengupta (Third World Network)

FOOD SOVEREIGNTY
Speakers: Leonard Mizzi (Head of Unit, EC DG on Agriculture-Unit A3), MP Walden Bello (Philippines)

CLIMATE CHANGE
Speakers: Praful Bidwai (TNI Fellow) and Bas Eickhout (MEP for the Greens)

SOCIAL PROTECTION
Speakers: Francesca Mosca (Director, EC EuropeAid Cooperation Office), Sandeep Chachra (ActionAid-India), MP Tian Chua (Malaysia), Rafendi Djamin (Indonesian Representative, ASEAN Intergovernmental Commission on Human Rights), Prof. Koen de Feyter (Antwerp University), Bart Verstraeten (WSM/European Working Group on Social Protection)
Chair: Paul Graham Meadows (Former Director General, DG Regional Policy, European Commission)

PEACE AND SECURITY
Moderators: Kalle Sysikaski (AEPF Finland), Varsha Berry (Focus on the Global South), Achin Vanaik (Delhi University), Colin Archer (International Peace Bureau), Jan Oberg (TTF)

Brussels Lobby Tour – Organised by Corporate Europe Observatory visiting Brussels Corporate Lobby Agencies

Side Events

  • Round table – Route map for companies to an Asia Floor Wage (Asia Floor Wage Alliance)
  • Collusion, capture, complicity. Big business lobbying in China, India and the EU

Protest Action Against the EU-India FTA

Against the backdrop of the 8th ASEM, the Belgian Platform for Action on Health and Solidarity held a protest action against the EU-India FTA in front of the European. The Action highlighted that:

India is known as the pharmacy of the developing world. It is one of the few developing countries with its own pharmaceutical industry and exports a plentiful supply of good, affordable medicines to dozens of other developing countries. India is the source of 90% of the HIV/AIDS drugs used in developing countries.

Through a free trade agreement with India, Europe is seeking to impose stricter intellectual property right regulations. This will make it more difficult for Indian manufacturers of generic medicines to bring their products onto the market, thereby pushing up prices. The EU-India free trade agreement therefore not only threatens to dry up a source of good, affordable medicines, but also puts countless human lives at risk in developing countries.

More information:
Executive summary: European free trade agreements and the right to health in the South (http://www.sante-solidarite.be/files/summary%20health%20and%20trade.pdf)

Briefing paper on EU trade policy and the right to health: http://www.sante-solidarite.be/files/Briefing%20paper%20FTAs%20andHealth_final_0.pdf

Video of action
http://vimeo.com/15803106

5th October – European Parliament

Beyond Free Trade: Alternatives for EU-Asia relations”?

Asian MP’s:
Walden Bello (Akbayan, Philippines),
Charles Santiago, Democratic Action Party, (Malaysia)

Members of the European Parliament:
Helmut Scholz, coordinator of INTA Committee for the GUE/NGL,
Yannick Jadot, coordinator of the INTA Committee for the GREENS-EFA,
Joe Higgins, member of INTA Committee for the GUE/NGL,
Ska Keller, member of DEVE Committee for the GREENS-EFA,

CSO Representatives of Trade Campaigns:
Ryu, Mikyung, International Director, Korean Confederation of Trade Unions,
Ashim Roy – New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI) India,
Joseph Puruganan – Co-ordinator, EU-Asean Trade Campaign,
Marc Maes, Trade Policy Officer, 11.11.11,

Brid Brennan, Programme Co-ordinator Transnational Institute,

Introduction – We need to review trade within the context of the current crisis. Trade remains a pillar of European Commission policy and is at the forefront of the EU recovery plan. It is through trade policy that markets stay open and goods and services keep flowing for the good of businesses and public finances.

We hear a very strong reiteration of business as usual but we believe it is with an added aggressive assault on people and the South in regard to access to markets, services and government procurement.

Ska Keller, member of DEVE Committee for the GREENS-EFA,

We are very concerned at the current shift to EPAs and free trade that is being marketed as the very thing that brings growth and therefore development. Free trade doesn’t necessarily bring growth or development – or a strengthening of social justice or society.

We are seeing an export led expansion and promotion of EU goods and services.

We could veto FTAs due to the Lisbon Strategy but this is unlikely to happen because we don’t have a majority. Once an FTA is agreed it is very hard to then say no. We demand that the Parliament is involved in early stages – in a timely manner and then to be involved at all stages. But we don’t see documents, we don’t know what’s going on and get very vague answers. (e.g. on the impact on access to medicines). There is no formal way for us to make amendments to the FTAs. The Development Committee also have the same concerns – about the lack of policy coherence and damage done to long term development through FTAs.

We are very concerned about impact on access to medicine, human rights, environment and agriculture as a result of the current India-EU FTA and agriculture.

This event is important for MEPs who are working on this issue and asking for information. We hope that we can support you in your struggle and you are supporting us today by being here.

Charles Santiago – Democratic Action Party, (Malaysia)

Two years ago when I took the oath as a first time parliamentarian I took the oath to protect the Constitution, sovereignty and rights of the people of my nation. Yesterday when hearing the European Commission officials speak on FTAs and Global Europe I was worried and concerned. FTAs will ensure that corporations and investors have rights – that people matter but in the case of access to medicines and retro-virals they will matter less.

Corporations now have a right to access to government procurement and this undermines nation’s right to provide for its people. The Lisbon Treaty gives the EC a mandate which means that consultation is not necessary. Indirect expropriation is being included in all FTAs – so that when a corporation perceives that its profitability is in jeopardy it can sue governments in court and this undermines the sovereignty of nations.

FTAs are leading to corporations running the world. And they are designed to do so.

We as parliamentarians need to reclaim the state and the nation for our people – to ensure our oath is realised. Therefore my call here today is to work together to promote a different type of globalisation where people mater and not corporations. We need to understand the impacts of FTAs, strengthen our resistance and alternatives.

Ryu, Mikyung, International Director – Korean Confederation of Trade Unions

Tomorrow the Korea-EU FTA is officially signed. The EU can’t compete with cheaper labour and lower union rights. Media propaganda is promoting the FTA to say that the car industry in Korea will benefit from it and that we need the FTA. But the FTA will also promote deregulation, protection for foreign investors and privatisation – so we need more voices to raise concern about the real benefits.

Korea is promoting cheap labour, long working hours, lack of working rights and devaluation of the Korean currency. The same policies in China which we can’t compete with and so they are pushing for an FTA with Europe. To remove all tariffs and barriers and provide more protection and intellectual property rights for capital. There is no obligation or duties to factories – they can close at any time and move elsewhere.

During negotiations Korea promised to ratify ILO Conventions but this didn’t happen.

Ashim Roy – New Trade Union Initiative (NTUI) India,

People here represent millions of people and anti-poverty movements – we want to say with one clear voice that we want to halt the EU-India treaty. India has a third of the global poor, most are primary producers and we need to make a transition that allows us to sustain our people and environment. We want to negotiate what the people want rather than what the corporations want. If we can’t decide our prices then how can we control our conditions? We have fought against all corporate agendas – we have fought and won generic and affordable drugs. We nationalised our banks and now have inclusive, accessible banking which will collapse with this FTA. We produce half the garments of the world made by people working at a poverty level wage. We are all now in a globalised world – the farmers are informed and will resist and will not allow this FTA to go ahead.

Joseph Puruganan – Co-ordinator, EU-Asean Trade Campaign,

There are two realities in South East Asia – a market of 550 million of growth, trade and investment but also a region of poverty and inequality where 30-40% of people live below the poverty line, are vulnerable to climate change and where the richest control 80% of the economy and corner the benefits of development.

Trade negotiators only see the first reality.

There is a distinction between ASEAN governments and their people – policies do not address even the most basic needs. The notion of equal partnership is driving negotiations but this doesn’t exist – the ambition for comprehensive trade agreements reflects only the interests of EU and ASEAN corporations. In 2007 the EU provided a mandate to the EC to negotiate with ASEAN – according to the rhetoric this is supposed to aid ASEAN to address the asymmetries which exist between the two regions.

When it became clear the EU would not get the level of ambition hoped for then it shifted to a bi-lateral cherry picking approach. EU-Malaysia negotiations were launched today. So beyond the rhetoric of EU being a champion of regional integration – to hold ASEANs hand in moving towards a situation where benefits are shared equally – it is very clear that for the EU that they want their ambitions to be realised at any cost. They will work to pursue an aggressive corporate agenda even if they need to shift to bi-lateral. For example the EU- Singapore negotiations and we worry that the level of ambition within this agreement will become standard for all.

So they will throw aside the notion of equal partnership and EU bottom lines are:

  • To slash tariffs and so create job losses – even EU’s own studies show this. For example Philippines fishery and cereals sectors already mired in poverty.
  • TRIPS+ – that will undermine access to cheap drugs.
  • Government procurement that will have serious implications on domestic policy space.
  • Aggressive access to raw materials – to access resources and land by indigenous peoples
  • Erosion of policy space

The message from the Vietnamese is that workers in textile and leather industries, mostly women are at threat from anti-dumping measures from discriminatory policies of the EU. The ambitious aims of the EU will have dire consequences for the people of the region (not of governments and corporations) but people and communities who are already suffering from poverty and inequality.

Joe Higgins, member of INTA Committee for the GUE/NGL

The theme of ASEM is ‘Greater Prosperity and Dignity for all Citizens’ – but this will only be achieved for big businesses of both regions. The reality is that all governments primarily represent the major corporations, financial institutions and capitalism. As we have seen in recent years it is their interests that are put first.

EU global interventions have been very controversial and detrimental to small producers and workers. The EU-Columbia FTA was enacted in the face of huge opposition but the EU-India FTA will be the most controversial of them all. European big business sees the potential for dazzling profits and this is the prize they are striving for, irrespective of the consequences. To achieve this agreement they have to bludgeon India into submission on crucial areas – free access to goods and services. This will swamp India with subsidised goods and destroy the livelihoods of manufacturers and workers.

Trade and investment negotiations remain secretive and closed. The ongoing trade discussions between the EU and India are indicative of this approach. Behind closed doors, negotiators on both sides are working hand-in-hand with company and business representatives to push a business-first agenda that undermines governments,’ threatening the lives and livelihoods of millions of small farmers, street traders and access to affordable medicines.

Dharmendra Kumar, India FDI Watch

After the orgy of speculation that has taken place what have EU service providers got to offer India. They like to pretend they are models of democracy. Genetic modification of seeds is also of major consequence – we do not know the impact of GM seeds under different climatic conditions.

The European Parliament has a neo-liberal, right wing majority but we will continue to fight. But workers and trade unions all have a responsibility to sit down to fight for public resources, to make sure they are under democratic control and to advance the general good of society.

FTAs need ratification by European Parliament so they have a vital role to play. In Pakistan – all agreements from IFIs, Paris Club etc – are all seen in terms of privatisation. Nestle for example has taken over water privatisation. How can movements in Europe advice and protest on these agreements in Pakistan which are anti-people.

The struggle against FTAs is becoming the struggle against corporations and businesses. We all need to come together to challenge instruments of domination and to move towards systems change in a fundamental way.

Yannick Jadot, Coordinator of the INTA Committee for the GREENS-EFA,

There are new competencies for the European Parliament under the Lisbon Treaty but the European Commission does not depend on us to develop a new mandate or to check the different steps of the negotiations. Political balance – fiscal, monetary, environmental dumping – before it was a civil society debate and now it’s within the European Parliament. The INTA -international trade committee is dominated by the right.

Japan-ACTA for example – the Parliament were out of the negotiation and despite a strong resolution against the lack of transparency we didn’t manage to achieve it. We were not part of the debate – we were here to claim our right to know what it means in terms of generics but failed to bring transparency.

With the Lisbon Treaty the Parliament has to give consent to all agreements and negotiations. We now have a bigger responsibility and we need you to give us the capacity to deal with these issues.

For example the Korean FTA is a 1500 page document – we can’t have a clear and precise analysis because we have 20 similar documents arriving all the time – on investments, bananas etc. We need your help to alert us to what is at stake – what the impact might be. I am working on Export Credit Agencies and member states don’t understand the role of the European Parliament on mining, oil, minerals etc and it is clearly seen by member states as their sovereignty but now the Parliament has power on this to better understand the impact of big dams, impact on developing countries etc

We could not be as good as we are and try to be without the help of NGOs to bring pressure on this Parliament. Trade policies are needed that are the outcome of internal national policies, food sovereignty, human rights etc and not imposed from outside based on the needs of corporations.

We need to make sure that trade policies are the tool and not the end and to do this we need to change the dynamics of all committees.

Marc Maes, Trade Policy Officer, 11.11.11,

Trade policy has escaped democratic control since the middle-ages. It is completely under executive power and there is a desperate need to bring it into democratic space. There is exclusiveness, untransparency and technical difficulties. Sometimes a very clear examples of massive injustice but often its very piecemeal – the sum total is devastating but it is difficult to show this to the general public.

There are 10,000 lobbyists in Brussels with massive strength and very strong links to governments of member states. They serve the interests of their industries. Trade impacts employment, environment, jobs, indigenous peoples etc but they are there to serve business.

At a national and European level you can come with great analysis and arguments but they don’t want to look at it – they call a business association who says don’t both or worry about it. They don’t engage on the intellectual level. We are now faced with the European Parliament who has quiet new competencies on trade and investment, but it is still very difficult for them to exert themselves. The Commission is a very difficult nut to crack – DG Trade has to consult with DG Social, DG Environment etc…so this might be a first place to start.

The Council is an important pillar and since the new treaty the parliaments of member states don’t need to ratify agreements so they have less control over what they do. So MEPS say it’s a European issue and is therefore not following it so who is holding our European Governments to account? There is less and less control. National governments are completely unchecked by parliaments on their trade positions. Or they say our position is none of your business because it is an EU position and we are not willing to expose this – this is a massive problem.

Parliament has a right to information from the Commission – they have a weekly briefing – but the question is what is the Parliament doing with it – they are drowning in the information. Parliament needs to beef up its analytical capacity. Since the treaty gives Parliament the right to information then what are they doing with it – are they sharing it with constituencies, with general public? Analysing it? Producing briefings?
Ratification is to say yes or no and it is very difficult to say no to processes that have taken years.

The Parliament has to approve all trade laws and to set the mandate but it is unclear how they will feed back on this mandate to the Commission. Again they need for adequate time to do this. At present there is a great need not only to see but also to scrutinise their mandate.

Walden Bello (Akbayan, Philippines),

President Aquino decided not to attend ASEM possibly as it was going to be again a ratification of the neo-liberal agenda. There was a recent hearing in the Filipino Congress on EU-Filipino Partnership Co-operation Agreement. We questioned our Foreign Ministry, why are we doing this? We have the WTO, ASEAN-EU FTA, ASEAN-China FTA, ASEAN –Japan FTA. He said it it’s the EU that is pushing this.

ASEM began with a push from the EU in response to APEC in 1996, followed soon after by the Asian financial crisis but there was none of the desired and expected support to Asian economies from the EU. Now the meeting is in Brussels and interest is largely from European side with their need to respond to recession and crisis. We need these markets to get us out of this recession!

Can’t talk about trade and investments without talking about migration and the current crisis of migration (i.e. Laos, Thai and Cambodians in Sweden). Migrants must be treated with respect and dignity and integrated into workers organisations. They are being used as scapegoats for the crisis.

Actions

Create a parallel front to FTAs – to not be too pessimistic on the European Parliament – people are affected by FTAs both in Europe and Asia and we need to use this opportunity to rebuild.

How can civil society push for more space in the European Parliament? The most important thing is to keep together, create networks and have a permanent exchange and concrete alternatives.

The European Business Lobby does not stop in Brussels – also in China, who learnt techniques from Europe.

Investment policies are even worse than trade – collusion is even worse. There are 3000 bilateral investment treaties in the world, the EU own 1300 of them and they are completely biased in favour of businesses and against public interests. There are secret arbitration councils against which there is no appeal. Indirect expropriation issue – doesn’t exist in EU law – no one should say you are increasing my costs due to environmental protection so I need. Businesses are there at heart of negotiations and in drafting text. I have always denied a conspiracy for years – but now I see that civil society are being denied access and being prevented from engagement.

The number of people working on trade within civil society is going down – nothing is moving in the WTO and so all those who were watching it are no longer. We need to mobilise our civil society colleagues to focus on trade policies because that is where major decisions are being made.

Concluding Remarks – Andy Rutherford (One World Action)

We are confronting challenges and creating joint visions as active citizen’s organisations. We are networks and this is our strength. What do we now do with this privilege of being here of interacting and influencing. We need to take on the responsibility and move forward, Informed by our alternatives to become a progressive reality. Because they influence and affect the lives and livelihoods of millions of people.

Another world is possible and is also happening – we need to be inspired, committed and to work for the change we are all fighting for.

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Recommendations to ASEM8

Recommendations to ASEM8

October 9, 2010

Background

From 4-5th October 2010, heads of state and governments from across Asia and Europe met in Brussels for the eighth Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM8) to discuss their future priorities and plans. From 2-5th October around 600 civil society, NGO and people’s organisations representatives, activists and parliamentarians from across Asia and Europe, met in Brussels for the 8th Asia Europe People’s Forum (AEPF).

AEPF is a strategic civil society gathering of Asian and European social movements fighting poverty and inequality and working for social justice. AEPF began in 1996 in Bangkok, in parallel, and in response to the first ASEM summit which pushed for stronger regional blocs and the promotion of corporate power. AEPF is grounded in the common desire of people’s organisations and social justice networks across Asia and Europe to open up new venues for dialogue, solidarity and action.

The following call to action is based on the recommendations from the many events that were held throughout these four days, focussing on the relation of corporate power to trade and investment, food sovereignty, climate change, decent work, and peace and security.

Call to Action – from the 8th Asia Europe People’s Forum

“Poverty is created by unequal economic systems – it can be eradicated. Governments need to reassert their control over corporations and be accountable to their citizens. Ultimately it is a question of political choice and priorities.”

Charles Santiago, MP Malaysia

ASEM8 is an historic opportunity for governments to take the timely and decisive actions needed to address the social, economic and environmental crises that have deepened the poverty, injustice, loss of employment, and exclusion faced by millions of women and men across Asia and Europe. The gap between the rich and the poor is widening, and access to resources, livelihood opportunities and basic services remain grossly unequal.

Despite the policy failures of trade liberalisation, market deregulation and privatisation, governments continue to ignore the growing tangible consensus for fundamental policy change. Instead of fulfilling the needs of people and reinvigorating local economies, hundreds of billions of dollars have been mobilised to save the banks and financial system, while essential social services remain under-funded and threatened.

Despite existing laws, regulations, standards and mechanisms, governments have failed to prioritise human rights, environmental security and labour rights, over the profits of companies. There has been a lack of political will in implementing regulation and establishing redress mechanisms for companies operating in, and beyond their territories.

Companies and businesses have used their expanded legal rights and exceptional access to decision-makers to aggressively push for policies that open up new markets and allow access to raw materials regardless of the social or environmental costs. We see this repeated in Brussels with the Asia Europe Business Forum, which brings together EC, government officials and corporate lobbyists.

“Governments must live up to their human rights obligations, including the duty to protect against abuses involving corporations.”
Mary Robinson

The consequences of this corporate domination are experienced in the lives of millions of women, men and children across Asia and Europe. This has led to a hollowing out of democratic accountability as elites make decisions and implement policies with little or no scrutiny from citizens, creating the conditions for poverty, inequality, environmental devastation and growing social unrest.

The Asia-Europe People’s Forum, representing citizens, people and social movements from Asia and Europe, is calling on the Heads of State and Government of the ASEM member countries to take forward the following actions:

Promote human rights and tackle exclusion

  • Fully ratify and integrate into national laws the commitments made in the Convention of the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women.
  • Take immediate measures to prevent discrimination on any grounds, including caste-based discrimination, and take special measures to assure decent work conditions for the Dalits in South Asia.
  • Ensure democratic, transparent and just governance systems that are accountable to citizens based on agreed international human rights principles and legislation.
  • Stop the criminalisation of undocumented migrants and refugees. Repeal the EU Return Directive which legitimises the massive arrests of undocumented migrants and detention without due process of law, up to 18 months (of detention) including pregnant women and a ban of no return for 5 years.

Promote sustainable solutions to the economic and financial crises

Europe and Asia should pursue a comprehensive recovery plan with people and the environment at its heart, based on principles of redistribution of income and wealth, enabling countries to invest in low-carbon development, sustainable decent jobs, education and to meet basic needs.

  • Introduce a Financial Transactions Tax to generate funds to support poverty alleviation and climate adaptation.
  • Ensure stabilised exchange rates by establishing a new global reserve currency system, as promoted by the recent UN summit on the global crisis.
  • Strictly regulate all financial actors, institutions and products. All financial operators must operate with full transparency and be regulated and supervised. Restore the clear separation between savings banks and investment banks. Prohibit off balance sheet and offshore transactions, over the counter trading and high risk financial operations (i.e. short selling, structured investment vehicles and collateralised debt obligations). Ban all speculation on commodities.
  • Reform and restructure the International Financial Institutions.
  • Reverse the privatisation of the banking sector and return banks to the purpose for which they were designed.
  • Implement universal social protection policies, essential in alleviating poverty, using the UN Social Protection Floor Initiative as a starting point. Ensure social protection is part of the EU’s Development Co-operation strategy and develop a Communication on Social Protection in development cooperation, linked to a concrete, time-bound action plan with dedicated resources to support the implementation of long-term and sustainable social protection systems. The state has the obligation to provide and manage social protection schemes and they should not be managed or run as a business insurance system.
  • Responsibly address the debt problem in Asia and Europe. Conduct debt audits, end unsustainable and illegitimate debts and reform lending and borrowing procedures.

Support a Just Trade and Investment system

Europe and Asian governments should take forward trade and investment policies that put the interest of farmers, workers, the environment and respect for human rights first by:

  • Agree to a moratorium on the EU’s Global Europe Strategy and all ongoing free trade negotiations between, and within Asia and Europe.
  • Put on hold all European member states Bilateral Investment Treaties negotiations, while the new EU investment policy framework is being defined. Ensure the protection of public rights over private interests.
  • Support an independent investigation and stakeholder consultation process on the impact of current EU and Asia trade policies on poverty and social, environmental and human rights.
  • Replace the investor-to-state dispute settlement mechanism, embedded in international treaties, with a state-to-state mechanism.

Base all future EU-Asia trade relationson an approach that:

  • recognises small producers’ rights to trade protection within their own domestic and regional markets
  • bases its relations on a principle of non-reciprocity and differential treatment
  • recognises and supports food sovereignty of countries, consumers and producers
  • respects the right of countries to formulate and pursue their own development strategies and economic models in the public interest
  • promotes and enables universal access to essential public services
  • allows for the regulation of imports, exports and investments to fulfill social, economic, civil and political rights
  • is democratic and inclusive, subjecting any agreement to a public and parliamentarian scrutiny and regular review and accountability mechanisms
  • prevents discriminatory and devastating subsidy regimes

Make corporations accountable to governments and governments accountable to citizens

Voluntary codes of conduct have not prevented human rights and environmental abuses. Growing corporate influence has created a democratic deficit that urgently needs to be addressed. Asian and European Governments should:

  • Work, with the full involvement of the ILO towards the development of international legally binding instruments to define and enforce corporations’ legal responsibilities and accountability for their activities. Increase transparency of corporate accounts by adopting a country-by-country reporting standard for multinational companies. Ensure that corporations annually disclose their finances, environmental, workers safety, human and labour rights, lobbying and tax records.
  • Promote the creation of an International Economic Tribunal that can adjudicate on trans-national corporations and impose appropriate sanctions.
  • Introduce a high-quality, mandatory lobbying transparency register, to end the excessive political influence of corporate lobby groups. Assure full transparency, rules and safeguards against corporate capture of policy making and European Commission advisory groups; close the revolving door between the European Commission and industry lobbies; implement effective conflicts of interest rules for Commissioners, Commission officials and Commission Special Advisers and institute enforceable ethics rules for corporate and business lobbyists, among others.
  • Close down tax havens under the jurisdiction of any EU member state and Asian countries.
  • Ensure greater transparency in the management of natural resource revenues, by demonstrating support for complementary voluntary and mandatory mechanisms. Support the global Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative by providing increased political, financial and technical support to resource-rich countries to ensure full and timely implementation of the EITI. Champion revenue transparency by requiring country-by-country financial reporting for companies engaged in oil, gas or mineral extraction (through the adoption of national laws, stock listing requirements or as part of an International Financial Reporting Standard).
  • Repeal the EU Raw Materials and Access to Markets legislation.

Protect rights to food, water and health

EU and Asian Governments should promote agriculture, food, energy and trade policies to meet the need for healthy, adequate and affordable food, and water and sanitation. Asian and European Governments should:

  • Building on the July 2010 UN Resolution on the Fundamental Right to Water and Sanitation increase the funding for publicly managed water and sanitation infrastructure. Increase political and financial support for public-public partnerships in the water and sanitation sector.
  • Take immediate action to curb financial speculation on food stocks and prices by implementing a global registry of all commodity-related spot and derivatives transactions (including both exchange and OTC futures); restrict or prohibit investment funds’ (including ETFs’) access to commodity markets; introduce effective position limits and introduce comprehensive regulation of OTC trade, including the clearing of transactions.
  • Reform the EU Common Agricultural Policy and export-led agricultural models to end dumping of agricultural goods and support small scale sustainable food production and food sovereignty.
  • Stop promoting the use and the production of industrial agrofuels, the EU should revoke its mandatory target on agrofuels by 2020.
  • Stop land grabbing and forced land acquisitions that are taking millions of hectares out of essential food production. Guarantee security of access to land and coastal and marine resources for women and men involved in small scale agricultural production and fishing.
  • Safeguard and fund accessible and free health care.
  • Stop the building of large dams which have produced severe environmental, economic and safety concerns and have evicted millions from their homes and livelihoods.

Promote Climate Justice

Addressing climate change requires a shift towards a low carbon economy. To achieve this Asian and European Governments should:

  • Ensure global temperatures do not rise more than 1.5ºC to avoid catastrophic climate change. European countries should reduce their emissions by 40% of their 1990 level by 2020 without offset or resorting to dangerous and costly nuclear power – enabling greenhouse gas concentrations to stabilise at 300ppm.
  • All climate change interventions should be made within the framework of social and inter-generational justice and human rights.
  • European countries should meet the costs of adaptation and mitigation based on differentiated responsibilities (not through loans).
  • Invest in the just transition of the economy comprising green decent jobs, skills development, vocational training, social dialogue and protection, and co-ordinated industrial policies. Invest public funds generated by new taxes in the rebuilding and expansion of public infrastructure (public transport, sustainable local energy systems etc). Subsidies and aid packages for any industry sector should be used to help the sector and its employees to transition to a low carbon economy, in the reconstruction of devastated communities and environmental regeneration.
  • Introduce an international tax on shipping and aviation emissions to reduce emissions.
  • Support the creation of a Climate and Environmental Justice Tribunal.
  • All funds for climate mitigation and adaptation should be managed by legitimate UN agencies such as UNCTAD.

Promote Decent Work

The decent work agenda requires Asian and European governments to commit to Core Labour Standards, the creation of decent jobs, social dialogue and social protection. To achieve this Asian and European governments should:

  • Ratify and implement ILO Conventions and Core Labour Standards revising labour laws where they are not in compliance with Conventions. In particular:
  • ILO Convention 87 and 98 on Freedom of Association and Collective Bargaining.
  • Support the finalisation of an ILO Convention on Domestic Work at the International Labour Conference in July 2011.
  • Sign and implement UN Convention on the Protection of the Rights of all Migrant Workers and Members of their Families.
  • Adopt national economic policies that guarantee decent wages.
  • Create and protect decent jobs for all, particularly for young people, women, disabled people and workers within the informal sector, by prioritising investment of resources in local economic development and tackling the persistence of precarious working conditions through the development and enforcement of labour laws. Temporary contracts should be limited to work that is temporary in nature only, and direct employment of workers should be ensured through strong regulation and restriction of employment through labour agencies. Governments should invest more in labour inspection, (i.e. more resources for the training of inspectors, increase the number of independent inspectors and perform more labour inspections in the field).
  • Initiate a process of “upwards” harmonisation of workers incomes, social and labour rights in Asia and Europe, including equal rights for migrant workers.
  • Guarantee access to social protection, job security, health care, maternity leave and essential services for permanent, contract, disabled and migrant workers by implementing national integrated and participatory policies on social security. Prioritise the enforcement of employment law over the enforcement of immigration policies to address the widespread exploitation of migrant workers and to ensure that migrant workers have full access to legal redress mechanisms when their rights are violated (including the provision of visa/residence permits independent from the employer).
  • End all forms of gender-based violence and discrimination against workers, including migrant workers (e.g. obligatory pregnancy and/or STD tests), through ensuring appropriate legal and policy standards in coordination with women organisations and migrant communities.
  • Take immediate steps to prevent the exploitation of child labour.
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AEPF-7 Opening Speech of Charles Santiago

AEPF-7 Opening Speech of Charles Santiago

October 4, 2009

OPENING SPEECH OF CHARLES SANTIAGO
Member of Parliament, Democratic Action Party. Malaysia
Monitoring Sustainability of Globalisation (MSN, Malaysia)
October 13, 2008
Beijing, China

Chairperson
His Excellency Yang Jiechi, Foreign Minister of China
Honorable Heidi Hautala, Member of Parliament, Finland
Members of the IOC and NOC
Friends

I bring you greetings of peace and solidarity from the civil society in Malaysia.

It is ten years since many of us met in London in one of the earliest Asia Europe People’s Forums. Our solemn mood then was shaped very much by the fall-out of what was called the Asian economic crisis. In that context, one economy after another – Thailand, Indonesia, South Korea, the Philippines – went belly-up. And the once-praised developmental model fell into disrepute.

Ten years fast forward – the high priest of free market ideology Alan Greenspan, the former Chairman of the US Federal Reserve of 18 years, in his book Age of Turbulence heaped praise on the magic of financial markets and criticized as foolishness those who called for greater regulation of the financial markets. In fact he asked “why do we wish to inhibit the pollinating bees of Wall Street”.

One year into the publication of the book world financial markets have been gripped with panic. Financial uncertainty and fragility have become buzz words. Global stock markets have hit rock bottom and are in a free fall. Wall Street lost its top five investments banks. Fearing that the financial system might collapse, the US congress passed a USD 700 billion rescue package, the biggest US government intervention in history.

Similarly the British government announced a 500 billion pounds bail-out package to save its financial institutions. Workers lost their life savings. Fears of a global recession or depression are being predicted, one worse than in the 1930’s. The present Chairman of the Federal Reserve Ben Bernanke admitted: “We have no control any more.” The world changed in September 2008.

Just as in 1997, the cause of the financial crisis was unfettered liberalization of financial markets. Just as in 1997, the governments subsidized the rich, including their plunder and recklessness through bail out and rescue packages.

The Chairmen of the failed Lehman Brothers is reported to have received about USD 484 million in various kinds of compensation even when the company was in trouble. In fact, the captains of industry continue to cheat and plunder because they do not pay for the crisis. The victims are workers who might be out of a job and who might have lost all savings. This is your classic socialism for the rich and free market poverty for the poor.

What is peculiar about the 2008 financial crisis is that it is taking place along-side a food, energy and an ecological crisis. Furthermore, it humbled the world’s economic super powers. They are asking developing countries like China to help solve the credit crisis through coordinated interest rate cuts.

Back in 1998, it was already clear to activists from the social movements and civil societies of both Asia and Europe that far-reaching, progressive responses were needed to address both the causes of the crises and their bitter consequences. The writing was on the wall.

We in the AEPF called for a radical new policy agenda – one which addressed the impact of economic policies on ordinary people, human rights and the environment. In short, we demanded that ASEM should broaden its agenda to include governance and human rights issues, environmental sustainability and people-centred development.

***

Did the governments of Asia and Europe listen to the calls for a different model of development? Did they put into place the kinds of responsive and accountable governance mechanisms that could anticipate and deal effectively with periodic crises?

The answer should be clear enough. In their collective wisdom, the political leaders, policymakers, corporate captains, and media and academic supporters ignored in almost every detail what had gone so drastically wrong in 1997 and 1998. Instead of reflecting critically on the dangers of rapid liberalization, deregulation and privatization, these neoliberal ideologues actually launched an even more intensive and extensive assault, driven by the motor of market-led politics.

One important outcome of the assault is that transnational finance increased its control over all the major circuits of the global economy. The result has been an unprecedented concentration and centralization of economic power, dominated more and more by giant conglomerates working hand in hand with a hidden banking system.

The results are clear for all to see. Today, a decade hence, we can feel the aftershocks of yet another capitalist crisis. The masters of the market have been forced to eat humble pie for their own recklessness. They are consumed by fear.

At the same time, ordinary people around the world – working people, marginalised groups, developing countries – brace themselves to pay the price – already running into trillions of dollars – not only for the greed of the super-rich but the structural failings of an economic system based explicitly on exploitation and injustice.

This time round, the scope of the crisis is truly global. Its epicentre is the very heart of the neoliberal capitalist order: in Wall Street, in London, in Tokyo’s Nihonbashi district. And its seismic shockwaves reach to every part of the world where the logic of the market prevails. As has become abundantly clear, there is no hiding place from the markets’ ring of fire.

While today everyone is obsessed with the sickness of the banks and other financial institutions, only a few months ago the world’s attention turned (at least for a while) to the most acute food crisis in decades – with “routine” hunger transforming into what has been called “the great hunger of 2008”.

And of course the circuits of finance capital and the food crisis including the energy crisis are intimately related. The rapid and simultaneous rise in the world prices for all basic food crops – corn, wheat, rice, soybeans and cooking oils – has not been because of a lack of production. Rather it lies in the way that food has become just another item in global commodity chains, subjected to the same irrationalities of the markets as other commodities.

In fact, there is something wrong with our food system. Agri-business has transformed food into a speculative commodity as opposed to ensuring people right to food and livelihood. In fact at the heart of the food crisis are neoliberal policies that focus on free trade as opposed to self sufficiency.

It appears that agricultural policy has been detached from the aim of feeding people. Thus it comes as no surprise that the UN World Food Programme warns that about 100 million people will go hungry as a result of the recent price hikes.

Speculation in the futures market has become endemic as the massive food conglomerates and financiers make common cause. Hedge Funds and other speculative and investment funds control about 50-60 per cent of the wheat traded on the global commodity markets.

One estimate shows that the amount of speculative money in commodities futures – markets where investors do not buy or sell a physical commodity, like rice or soya or wheat, but merely bet on price changes – has ballooned from US$5 billion in 2000 to US$175 billion in 2007. This is the new face of profit amidst hunger.

And then there is speculation in oil. Goldman Sachs speculative money in oil amounts to USD 80 billion. Since 2005 Morgan Stanley has been accumulating warehouse space in the Netherlands to store its hottest property–oil. At present the investment bank supplies fuel to United Airlines.
In fact speculative investment demand in commodities increased from USD 70 billion in 2006 to $215 billion in 2008, about a 300 percent increase in a short two year period. Much of the trading by hedge funds is driven by sophisticated computer-trading models. The models, known as black boxes, use complicated formulas to determine trades for a hedge fund.

Since the advent of oil futures trading and the two major London and New York oil futures contracts, control of oil prices has left OPEC and gone to Wall Street, Nymex in New York and the ICE (Intercontinental Exchange) Futures in London.

In addition, there is the longer term horizon of the ecological catastrophe – in a year when leading scientists have predicted the environmental problems facing humanity have reached an irrevocable “tipping point”.

The global ecological crisis, deepening remorselessly, threatens the world as never before. It is an outgrowth of unrestrained corporate power that today colonizes every realm of human life. Neoliberal capitalism’s overexploitation of nature’s resources is based on its pursuit of growth at any cost.

Once again, we can point to the inner logic of a system in which the unceasing drive for expansion in the name of profits and accumulation destroys our planet’s very survival.

***

So, once again we stand at an historical moment in a somber mood – surveying the wreckage of crises that have both long-term and immediate consequence; of crises that are both structural and conjuncture; of crises that demand not cosmetic reforms but a deep-rooted and sustainable transformation of how we shape the global order.

What is certain is that supporters of neoliberal capitalism went onto a major offensive towards economic restructuring. In reality, this was nothing less than a comprehensive project for market-led capitalist development.

Of course, over the past decade financial liberalization has been accompanied by a deepening of trade liberalization. We are all too conscious of the programmatic assault by the transnational corporations – working through the World Trade Organisation and a bewildering array of regional and bilateral arrangements – to pry open markets not just in goods and services, but in every conceivable area of social life. “Free trade imperialism”, the project of the British Empire in the nineteenth century, today finds its modern equivalent in the unfettered empire of corporate capital.

Thus, the architects of post-crisis restructuring ten years ago took seriously the task of re-making the world as they saw fit – a world fit for business to operate with impunity.

The overwhelming majority of governments in both Asia and Europe came to accede in the project of capitalist transformation – a project that placed the logic of market competition, corporate profits and commodification at the very centre of its policy regime.

The work of the official ASEM process must be seen in this light. It, too, embeds formal intergovernmental institutions as well as informal networks of private actors to persuade us all that the business of ASEM really is business.

A new spirit is abroad in the world – and it is a spirit driven by the imperatives of the global market and dependent development.

***

Chairperson and friends –If we are to seriously combat the current system, if we are to offer comprehensive and not piecemeal alternatives, then it is also vital to look below the surface – beyond even today’s pressing financial, food and ecological crises – and understand the deeper processes that are at work.

I think this deeper structure can best be understood by reference to three key aspects of the current crisis-ridden system, conveniently the three Cs:

  1. The politics of competitiveness
  2. The politics of regulatory convergence
  3. The politics of new constitutionalism

Let me begin, then, with the politics of competitiveness. With many of the instruments of deregulated market politics in place in most countries of the world, the dynamics of economic and political change are increasingly being shaped by the pursuit and promotion of capitalist competitiveness.

Crucially, the governments of the leading capitalist economies—such as those in the EU – are not pursuing competitiveness for themselves alone. They are actively promoting it too in other countries and regions of the global economy – notably in the “emerging markets” and low and middle income countries of Southeast Asia.

The draft recommendations from the European Commission on how to set about negotiating the EU-ASEAN Free Trade Area are absolutely explicit on this:

New competitiveness-driven FTAs would need to be comprehensive and ambitious in coverage, aiming at the highest possible degree of trade liberalization, including far-reaching liberalization of services and investment.

The Commission goes to stress “the need to ensure that we share similar ambitions with our prospective partners at the outset”. This, then, is the real meaning of a so-called “partnership of equals” between Europe and Asia.

Second, together with the huge political effort to promote competitiveness and entrepreneurship in Europe’s so-called business and trading partners, the project has been driven by nothing less than a new “politics of convergence”.

This effectively means four things:

  1. The first is the development, largely among international institutions, of a set of ‘appropriate policy choices’ seen as generating of capitalist competitiveness.
  2. The second is the use of systematic surveillance, international benchmarking and peer review as the means of promoting the policies concerned to those national governments—the EU calls this “regulatory transparency” and “conformity assessment” in its ASEAN directive.
  3. The third, and as I highlighted earlier, is the identification of national governments as the agents responsible for implementing change.
  4. And the fourth is the insistence that a key part of the task of national governments is to shape public opinion to the logic of global competitiveness.

This would create “the right kind of competitive pressures”: competitiveness is to be promoted, on as wide a scale as possible, for the disciplines it imposes upon the national economies of all countries.

Both ASEM and the proposed EU-ASEAN FTA can thus be seen as part of this wider process of regulatory convergence around a whole cluster of competitiveness and liberalization policies.

And lastly, in order to be successful in its own terms, the competitiveness and convergence dynamics need also to be re-shaped by long-term frameworks designed to “lock in” commitments to a neoliberal path of development.

The proliferation of international trade agreements such as the EU-ASEAN FTA type is precisely such frameworks. We can call this development the emergence of a “new constitutionalism”.

New constitutionalism is the political-juridical counterpart to the disciplinary neo-liberalism associated with the deepening of the logic of liberalization, market values and competitiveness.

New constitutionalism involves a whole array of political and legal reforms to redefine the political via a series of mechanisms. These include constitutions, laws, property rights and various institutional arrangements, designed to have quasi-permanent status.

A central objective of new constitutionalism, then, is to prevent future governments from undoing commitments to a disciplinary neoliberal pattern of development. And it entails efforts to contain and deflect challenges to its competitiveness and liberalization agenda on behalf of large-scale corporate capital.

***

This, then, is where we have come in the decade in which the world economy has lurched from crisis to crisis. The neoliberal ideologues pretend that economics can be separated from politics. They pretend that the market is best left to develop on its own terms unfettered by governmental regulation. But as we have seen, the project of capitalist reconstruction in our era is a deeply political project. The politics of competition, the politics of convergence and the politics of constitutionalism are all part of a concerted political project to guarantee the rights of capital at the expense of working people and at the expense of a degraded environment.

It should be clear to all of us that the very developments that are supposed to reinvigorate capital are actually the sources of catastrophic crises. And it is at the very moment of crisis that the artificial separation of economics and politics collapses before our eyes. Governments, regional organisations, international institutions like the IMF and World Bank this past weekend – all scramble in unseemly haste to bail out their benefactors through subsidies for the rich. How ironic that the “free markets” are today totally dependent on state intervention. The capitalist state is fulfilling its historic task of providing all the necessary guarantees for the survival of property.

Meanwhile, it is clear that the social costs of stabilization are being borne largely by working people. For most of us, an ever-sharper attack on working-class standards of living will be the main consequence of the current crisis. We can only hope that the scale of hardship and the depth of popular resentment will also encourage the rejuvenation of popular struggles.

It seems to me that the scale of the crisis and the popular outrage today provide an historic opening for the renewal of the kind of radical politics that advances a genuine alternative to capitalism.

This is the task that we should set ourselves – not only here in this Asia Europe People’s Forum but also when we return to our countries and recommence the long-term task of popular mobilisation.

And absolutely vital to this rebuilding is to get people to think ambitiously again and to strategize more robustly about what is possible. We all know that however deep the crisis and however widespread the outrage, the renewal of a radical politics in an age of crisis will require hard and committed work by a great many activists.

Let us recommit ourselves here in Beijing to re-making the world in another image.

Lastly, I want to dedicate this keynote presentation at the Asia-Europe Peoples Forum in Beijing to Malaysian political prisoners detained under the Internal Security Act. They include my friends – Raja Petra Kamaruddin, Hindraf Five and detainees who are languishing in Malaysian jails without trial for more than six years.

Thank You.

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